ABSTRACT

One recent development in minimalist theory is that Merge, formulated in the simplest form, applies 1. without teleological purpose 2. as long as it conforms to 3. principles such as the No-Tampering Condition and the condition of inclusiveness. Chomsky defined Move as the composite operation that combines Merge and Agree, and he demonstrated that preference for simpler operations over more complex ones explained relevant phenomena, without appeal to an S-structure level at which the descriptive Case Filter applies. Chomsky (2000) presented a solution to this problem. The basic idea is that structures are built bottom-up, cyclically, and importantly in chunks called "phases", each associated with its own separate lexical subarray (SA), extracted from the lexical array (LA). In Epstein, Kitahara, and Seely (EKS), authors suggests one possibility: Namely they seek to deduce the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) the timing of Transfer from the necessity of eliminating anomalous syntactic relations, generated by Chomsky's proposed "counter-cyclic" application of internal merge (IM).