MACCOBY detennine differences among children in their rates of development or their ultimate outcomes? These questions have been at the heart of much of the work in develop-mental psychology since the inception of the field. In pursuing the answers, the broad forces of nature and nurture, and the interplay between them, have been of central concern. has long been clear that there are powerful maturational time-tables gov-erning developmental change: e.g. progression in infancy from sitting to crawling to standing to walking, or in the acquisition of language, the transition from rudi-mentary one-word utterances through intermediate phrases the production of full, well-formed sentences. However, it has been equally obvious that children are learn-ing many things through their daily experiences in interacting with the physical and social world, and that what learned is not encoded in the genes. Some of the experiences children have are random-not planned or organized by any outside agency-but some occur according to what might be called a socialization time table. It is here that parenting has its place. All societies prescribe certain characteristics that their members are expected to possess and certain things people must not do, if they are to function adequately

DOI link for MACCOBY detennine differences among children in their rates of development or their ultimate outcomes? These questions have been at the heart of much of the work in develop-mental psychology since the inception of the field. In pursuing the answers, the broad forces of nature and nurture, and the interplay between them, have been of central concern. has long been clear that there are powerful maturational time-tables gov-erning developmental change: e.g. progression in infancy from sitting to crawling to standing to walking, or in the acquisition of language, the transition from rudi-mentary one-word utterances through intermediate phrases the production of full, well-formed sentences. However, it has been equally obvious that children are learn-ing many things through their daily experiences in interacting with the physical and social world, and that what learned is not encoded in the genes. Some of the experiences children have are random-not planned or organized by any outside agency-but some occur according to what might be called a socialization time table. It is here that parenting has its place. All societies prescribe certain characteristics that their members are expected to possess and certain things people must not do, if they are to function adequately

MACCOBY detennine differences among children in their rates of development or their ultimate outcomes? These questions have been at the heart of much of the work in develop-mental psychology since the inception of the field. In pursuing the answers, the broad forces of nature and nurture, and the interplay between them, have been of central concern. has long been clear that there are powerful maturational time-tables gov-erning developmental change: e.g. progression in infancy from sitting to crawling to standing to walking, or in the acquisition of language, the transition from rudi-mentary one-word utterances through intermediate phrases the production of full, well-formed sentences. However, it has been equally obvious that children are learn-ing many things through their daily experiences in interacting with the physical and social world, and that what learned is not encoded in the genes. Some of the experiences children have are random-not planned or organized by any outside agency-but some occur according to what might be called a socialization time table. It is here that parenting has its place. All societies prescribe certain characteristics that their members are expected to possess and certain things people must not do, if they are to function adequately