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tive effects, whether they are interchangeable, or whether they interact so that the effects of one depend on the level of another. In longitudinal work, the initial level of a child's characteristic at time 1 is some-times statistically controlled to detennine whether a time-l parent attribute is asso-ciated with subsequent change change in the child's behavior. As an example, Patterson again when the boys were adolescents. They found that changes in parenting during these years were strongly related to the chances of a boy's being arrested for delin-quent activities adolescence, even after the boy's anti-social tendencies at grade-school age were controlled. see, then, that a variety of questions are being asked in current and recent research--questions which simple parent/child correlations, either concurrent or time-lagged, will not provide answers. A word should be said, too, about how large a correlation between some aspect of parenting and a child outcome is required for the relationship to be considered important or meaningful. Along with the rest of the psychological discipline, devel-opmental psychologists are currently turning away from reporting the outcomes of studies primarily (or only) in terms of significance levels (p values) that indicate degree of departure from the null hypothesis. Instead, results are beginning to be reported in terms of effect sizes. For purposes of policy decisions in the medical arena, correlations small as 0.03 between the use of a medication and reduction of disease have been considered strong enough to justify FDA approval of the drug (Rosenthal 1999). The importance of a medical intervention can be estimated in terms of such outcomes as the number of heart attacks averted or the number of people for whom a debilitating, chronic disease can arrested or reversed. In the past, corre-lations the 0.20s or 0.30s between aspects of family functioning and children's outcomes have often been dismissed inconsequential. But when translated into the number of children who are at risk, for example, for failing in school or becoming delinquent or seriously depressed, predictive. coefficients of this magnitude can be seen as by means trivial. From the standpoint of social policy, the issue becomes one of how much importance a society attaches to socialJbehavioral outcomes, as compared with medical ones. This is obviously a matter of values, not statistics. Studies continue vary considerably with respect to the size of first-order cor-relations between parent and child characteristics. Clearly, a given parent behavior may have different effects on different children, depending on such things age, sex, temperament, and distinctive prior experiences. If such differential effects exist,
DOI link for tive effects, whether they are interchangeable, or whether they interact so that the effects of one depend on the level of another. In longitudinal work, the initial level of a child's characteristic at time 1 is some-times statistically controlled to detennine whether a time-l parent attribute is asso-ciated with subsequent change change in the child's behavior. As an example, Patterson again when the boys were adolescents. They found that changes in parenting during these years were strongly related to the chances of a boy's being arrested for delin-quent activities adolescence, even after the boy's anti-social tendencies at grade-school age were controlled. see, then, that a variety of questions are being asked in current and recent research--questions which simple parent/child correlations, either concurrent or time-lagged, will not provide answers. A word should be said, too, about how large a correlation between some aspect of parenting and a child outcome is required for the relationship to be considered important or meaningful. Along with the rest of the psychological discipline, devel-opmental psychologists are currently turning away from reporting the outcomes of studies primarily (or only) in terms of significance levels (p values) that indicate degree of departure from the null hypothesis. Instead, results are beginning to be reported in terms of effect sizes. For purposes of policy decisions in the medical arena, correlations small as 0.03 between the use of a medication and reduction of disease have been considered strong enough to justify FDA approval of the drug (Rosenthal 1999). The importance of a medical intervention can be estimated in terms of such outcomes as the number of heart attacks averted or the number of people for whom a debilitating, chronic disease can arrested or reversed. In the past, corre-lations the 0.20s or 0.30s between aspects of family functioning and children's outcomes have often been dismissed inconsequential. But when translated into the number of children who are at risk, for example, for failing in school or becoming delinquent or seriously depressed, predictive. coefficients of this magnitude can be seen as by means trivial. From the standpoint of social policy, the issue becomes one of how much importance a society attaches to socialJbehavioral outcomes, as compared with medical ones. This is obviously a matter of values, not statistics. Studies continue vary considerably with respect to the size of first-order cor-relations between parent and child characteristics. Clearly, a given parent behavior may have different effects on different children, depending on such things age, sex, temperament, and distinctive prior experiences. If such differential effects exist,
tive effects, whether they are interchangeable, or whether they interact so that the effects of one depend on the level of another. In longitudinal work, the initial level of a child's characteristic at time 1 is some-times statistically controlled to detennine whether a time-l parent attribute is asso-ciated with subsequent change change in the child's behavior. As an example, Patterson again when the boys were adolescents. They found that changes in parenting during these years were strongly related to the chances of a boy's being arrested for delin-quent activities adolescence, even after the boy's anti-social tendencies at grade-school age were controlled. see, then, that a variety of questions are being asked in current and recent research--questions which simple parent/child correlations, either concurrent or time-lagged, will not provide answers. A word should be said, too, about how large a correlation between some aspect of parenting and a child outcome is required for the relationship to be considered important or meaningful. Along with the rest of the psychological discipline, devel-opmental psychologists are currently turning away from reporting the outcomes of studies primarily (or only) in terms of significance levels (p values) that indicate degree of departure from the null hypothesis. Instead, results are beginning to be reported in terms of effect sizes. For purposes of policy decisions in the medical arena, correlations small as 0.03 between the use of a medication and reduction of disease have been considered strong enough to justify FDA approval of the drug (Rosenthal 1999). The importance of a medical intervention can be estimated in terms of such outcomes as the number of heart attacks averted or the number of people for whom a debilitating, chronic disease can arrested or reversed. In the past, corre-lations the 0.20s or 0.30s between aspects of family functioning and children's outcomes have often been dismissed inconsequential. But when translated into the number of children who are at risk, for example, for failing in school or becoming delinquent or seriously depressed, predictive. coefficients of this magnitude can be seen as by means trivial. From the standpoint of social policy, the issue becomes one of how much importance a society attaches to socialJbehavioral outcomes, as compared with medical ones. This is obviously a matter of values, not statistics. Studies continue vary considerably with respect to the size of first-order cor-relations between parent and child characteristics. Clearly, a given parent behavior may have different effects on different children, depending on such things age, sex, temperament, and distinctive prior experiences. If such differential effects exist,
ABSTRACT
PARENTING AND ITS EFFECTS ON CHILDREN 7