ABSTRACT
This chapter argues that the factorial typology of the constraints generates many implausible grammars. The set of laryngeal cooccurrence restrictions appear to be based on the similarity of the non-cooccurring segments, rather than following from the computational system of language. Experimental evidence is needed to confirm the relative similarities of the different pairs of segments. If acoustic similarity lies at the root of laryngeal cooccurrence restrictions, then any language that restricts two somewhat-similar elements from cooccurring will also restrict two very similar elements from cooccurring. The chapter suggests that the restrictive nature of the typological statement of laryngeal cooccurrence restrictions indicates the presence of implicational universals. The factorial typology of the constraints produces languages containing implausible cooccurrence restrictions. However, it could be the case that the high-amplitude release bursts of ejective consonants are very informative, perhaps even more so than the release bursts and aspirated transitions of aspirated consonants.
