ABSTRACT
American Ethnology reported the emergence of factionalism among Native North Americans being settled on reservations. This revolved around whether they should retain their own traditions or accept modern ways. Jeremy Boissevain’s research in Malta provided a classic account of factionalism. In a detailed analysis (1974) of the beginning of factional rivalry over the introduction of a new cult in the village of Harrug he established several factors which relate to the structure, evolution, number and strategy of factions under conditions of political competition. Many excellent studies have been carried out on the Indian subcontinent where factionalism appears to be commonplace. Adopting a processual approach, observing individuals and groups in action over time, Indianist ethnographers found that factions were most prevalent in villages where there were many castes but with no one being dominant. Factionalism was thus a form of struggle among equals. Recently, though, radical historians have argued that the importance of factionalism has been exaggerated at the expense of ties of class, caste and community in writings on Indian political culture (Hardiman 1982). Ethnography from many countries supports a
contention that factions are contingent groupings based on competition over new resources. Development projects introduced new spoils into local political and economic arenas, and peasants adopted development discourse to establish and maintain factional divisions within their villages. Factionalism is, apparently, less likely to be an urban phenomenon. It has been suggested that factionalism became more common in some Third World societies when
parliamentary electoral systems were introduced on the eve of independence.
