ABSTRACT
The national songs, hymns, and shrills of joy, the slogans that were raised by women and men during these demonstrations yesterday night resounded in the sky of the capital with the ringing bells of the churches from all quarters of the city. They turned into one melody, overwhelming the souls with electrifi ed enthusiasm and deep joy. The faces, the faces of the popular crowds that had gathered on Martyrs Square and in its surroundings, the faces of these boys and girls – these children of life that had gathered around large torches – were marked with happiness. From everywhere slogans could be heard calling for the life of a Lebanon free and independent, for the life of the Red Army and its great leader Stalin, and for the life of the Allied armies. 1
Two weeks later the atmosphere had changed. While relief about the end of war persisted, concern over the local situation soon took hold of public opinion. In the fi rst week of May, several events provided stages for public agitation. In addition to Communist Party demonstrations on 1 May, Christian Eastern Orthodox celebrations on 4-6 May witnessed declarations in support of France and the Allies. 2 In contrast, on the occasion of Martyrs’ Day on 6 May in Damascus, several parties organized an anti-government demonstration. 3
These activities related to the ongoing events in Europe; they no less symbolized mounting unease about the overdue results of the local governments. Tensions were particularily growing between the Communist Party and Muslim populist circles. In reaction to recent mass mobilizations of the Communist Party, which had attracted thousands of supporters, the Youth of Muhammad set out on violent protests that were meant to push back communist infl uences among the public. 4 News from Paris further escalated the already tense situation. On the evening of 6 May, French Radio Brazzaville had announced the conclusion of a meeting in Paris between General de Gaulle and General Beynet, the French Delegate
General in Beirut, who had left for Paris in early March to receive instructions for negotiations with the local governments. According to the announcement, Beynet was informed that the prospective negotiations with Syria and Lebanon should aim at concluding treaties that would regulate the transfer of power, while ensuring French interest in the region. 5
From a local perspective, such an insistence on French interests was an affront. Since the turn of the year, French relations with Syria were tense. French reluctance to transfer the Troupes Spéciales to local control had marked public opinion; for weeks, student demonstrations in Damascus, Aleppo, and Dayr al-Zur had called for an immediate handing-over of the troops. 6 For the time being, these troops were a persistent symbol of French domination. In this context and coinciding with the announcement of the meeting between de Gaulle and Beynet in Paris, new French troops were to arrive in Beirut. While the French authorities tried to depict these troops as mere replacements, their numbers considerably exceeded those who were to be withdrawn. 7
The festivities in Beirut and Damascus that were organized on the occasion of the capitulation of the German Wehrmacht on 8 May were overshadowed by these developments. The French delegation had envisaged these festivities lasting for several days. Celebrations, however, were not limited to the French side; the Syrian and the Lebanese governments had planed to join in as well. In a speech held on 9 May, Lebanese President Bishāra al-Khūrī declared his intention to turn the day of the German defeat in Europe into a national holiday:
The day of victory, which we are celebrating today, marks the outset of a world that is worthy of the sacrifi ces offered by the peoples, worthy of the pains suffered by the nations – a world ruled by freedom, security and justice. We are joining those who are working to achieve this, for we all are responsible for the fate of humanity, before God and before history. 8
Despite relief about the end of war, many statements revealed profound anxiety about the future, and although the festivities had begun in a calm atmosphere, tensions soon mounted. 9 Various reports of the French Sûreté Générale noted the different stances shown by Christian and Muslim populations. According to these reports, Christian quarters were covered with French fl ags and pictures of General de Gaulle, while similar signs of support for France could rarely be seen in Muslim neighbourhoods. 10 Yet, support for France and its Allies did not immediately follow sectarian lines – and neither did opposition. For many of France’s critics of various denominations, the French claim to be on the winners’ side of the war was hardly tenable. The larger section of the French population that was now celebrating the defeat of Nazism had previously submitted to Vichy-rule, it was argued, and the liberation of France was not achieved by its own forces, but with the substantial help of its allies. 11
The ostentatious celebrations thus risked being perceived as a provocation. In Damascus, the Syrian government intervened to stop the fl ying of French fl ags; small parades that were led by French and pro-French sympathizers were
attacked by supporters of the Syrian Minister of Interior, Sabrī al-Aslī, shouting anti-French slogans and, according to one report, voicing support for Hitler. 12 In Lebanon, the situation was no less tense. The festivities organized by the French authorities coincided with controversial debates by local politicians about how to challenge recent French decisions taken vis-à-vis the country. On 9 and 10 May, several incidents occurred in Beirut in which French soldiers were attacked. One of the most serious of these clashes involved several members of a Palestinian contingent of the British army that was stationed south of Beirut. Joined by local anti-French protesters – supposedly ‘Hitler’s former clientele’ 13 – these soldiers had on 10 May escorted a march through downtown Beirut, tearing down French fl ags and attacking Lebanese policemen. Similar clashes had erupted a day earlier when Palestinian soldiers paraded under a portrait of Palestinian Mufti Amīn al-Husaynī and a fl ag bearing a swastika. 14 According to reports of the French Sûreté Générale, proof was available that British elements and the Lebanese nationalist politician Riyādal-Sulhwere involved in these incidents. While the Palestinian soldiers had reportedly been paid by British sources to provoke trouble, Sulhwas suspected of having instructed and furnished them with the portrait of Husaynī. 15 In the light of recent news of Husaynī’s arrest in Switzerland and his deportation to France on 7 May, expressions of support for Husaynī, whose collaboration with the Axis was common knowledge, was an easy way to provoke French reaction.
