ABSTRACT
The author develops a new analysis of adjuncts in terms of Simplest Merge. While syntax is symmetric in nature, labels introduce asymmetry needed for interpretation at the interfaces. The basic idea is that Labeling is Transfer making sets inaccessible to syntax and accessible to the interfaces SEM and PHON. The labeling conflict caused by adjuncts and their “host” is resolved by a labeling algorithm reduced to head-detection by Minimal Search not resorting to features. The consequences for copies, phases and successive cyclic movement are investigated. Neither Pair-Merge nor any other additional syntactic operation, nor featural triggers are necessary to implement adjuncts. While uniformity is strictly associated with the computation and SEM, variation is linked to PHON. A scenario concerning the emergence of human language is briefly sketched out. The issue of adjunct islands in the context of islands in general is examined. A generalization derives islands as an architectural paradox or an interpretative (selectional) problem. Furthermore, head movement which has been analyzed as adjunction in the past is discussed. Given that heads are syntactic objects undergoing External Merge, nothing can ban Internal Merge of heads under Simplest Merge, though language particular rules at PHON lead to cross-linguistic diversity.
