ABSTRACT
This paper compares two successful oilseeds cooperatives, one in a village with canal irrigation, and one in a dry village. In both cases, Patidars own most of the land and are politically dominant, even though Kshatriyas (Baraiyas) are more numerous. Assessing the distribution of benefits from oil-seed production and marketing requires a study of agrarian relations (including informal, or covert, share-cropping arrangements) and of other products, such as milk, whose production is linked to oilseeds.
The prime beneficiaries of the oilseeds co-ops are medium and large Patidar farmers, who grow the most oilseeds. However, small farmers and landless laborers from the Kshatriya and other castes also benefit, because they grow some oilseeds on lands which they share-crop for the Patidars. In addition, they benefit from the increased supply of groundnut fodder, which enhances dairy production by small farmers and share-croppers. Thus the overall distribution of benefits, though unequal, covers a wide range of villagers.
The cohesion of Patidar caste identity is vital to the success of the oilseeds cooperatives. However, cohesion is also enhanced by their unity of economic interests, since Patidars are engaged only as growers, not as traders, of oilseeds. In contrast, some Patidars act as private traders in the marketing of a more important cash crop, tobacco; and this seems to limit the ability of other Patidars to form successful marketing co-ops for the benefit of tobacco growers.
