ABSTRACT
Recently a number of contributions have been made to the attempt to build a generative model of pastoralism, conspicuously by Rubel (1969), Pastner (1971), and Spooner (1971). These have been particularly concerned with variations in types of stock and the presence of corporate unilineal descent groups, and have been prompted by the suggestive writings of Barth. I am too nervous of the contagious abortion which seems to afflict such generative models to attempt such an exercise. Moreover, it appears doubtful that dependence on stock is, in itself, a criterion which can be used to distinguish a sociological type. It does appear possible, however, that the degree to which their modes of subsistence constrains persons to be either mobile or settled does affect the type, durability, and texture of their social relationships. For example Henin (1969) has suggested that the settled populations of the Sudan, compared with the nomadic populations, have lower ages at marriage and higher incidences of polygyny and also, following Trimingham (1959), that the act of settling enables Islamic institutions to be adhered to more rigidly than they are among comparable pastoralists. It is reasonable to anticipate that other social characteristics may be found to cluster around the opposed poles sedentary and nomadic.
