Heritage tourism in the developing world: reflections and ramifications

Although heritage in the developing world is no less important than in the developed world, the language of heritage used today reflects a Western bias (Lowenthal 1997). Heritage tourism is a global phenomenon and has been in practice for thousands of years in the form of pilgrimage, but the tourism literature is dominated by encounters between Westerners and their hosts in developing countries (Winter 2007). Despite the abundance and uniqueness of heritage resources in the devel-

oping world, the heritage tourism framework used in less-developed countries (LDCs) is influenced byWestern-centric models (Winter 2007). Even UNESCO’s World Heritage program is designed essentially from a Western perspective. For example, the concept of World Heritage started in Europe in 1931, followed by Tunisia, Mexico, and Peru in 1964, and finally eighty nations from all continents joined the World Heritage Convention in 1979 (Lowenthal 1997). Most of the literature on heritage in developing countries is written by Westerners, who are often biased and misrepresentative. Western authors often describe the “East” and “South” as primitive and remote, and any change that occurs is considered negative. While biases are always present in academic works, this book has attempted, inasmuch as possible, to involve authors from the developing regions being considered. Despite earnest efforts, some of our arrangements with local authors fell through. Nonetheless, despite the limited number of scholars working on heritage and tourism in developing countries, we were successful in putting together a team of authors who represent well the nine major world realms being represented in this tome. With a collection of nine chapters from various regions of the developing

world and an additional four overview chapters, the aim of this book is to examine the existing paradigms and issues that developing countries are facing in the realms of heritage and heritage tourism. Because each developing country has its own history, culture, geography, religions, politics, economy, and of course heritage and tourism, it was unrealistic to discuss each country; for this reason, global realms were identified and issues written that are common within each realm or region. Compared with the size and population of developing countries, their share

of international tourist arrivals and receipts are low. The share of tourist

arrivals to developing regions in relation to global arrivals is as follows: South Asia 1.6 percent, South East Asia 5.5 percent, the Pacific 3.6 percent, Central and Eastern Europe 5.1 percent, the Caribbean 3.0 percent, subSaharan Africa 2.2 percent, North Africa and Middle East 5.9 percent, and Latin America 2.6 percent (World Tourism Organization 2007). Travel to and from Europe and North America, on the other hand, accounts for approximately 79 percent of all international trips and about 78 percent of all receipts (World Tourism Organization 1999). The reasons for such a disparity in travel between developed and developing regions are related to political instability and conflict, health concerns, poor facilities and infrastructure, inadequate levels of service, inadequate distribution channels, lack of knowledge in potential markets, and the high cost of travel to many of the world’s more peripheral places (Gartner and Lime 2000). Compared with other forms of tourism, heritage tourism in the developing

world has a more intraregional and domestic focus, and the trend toward tourists from LDCs traveling to other LDCs is growing. However, tourism statistics compiled by the UNWTO do not take into account the size of this market for two main reasons. First, many countries have cultural and political ties and do not require visas for people crossing common borders, such as India and Nepal. Many Indian tourists travel to Nepal to visit shrines, temples, and religious events. However, because they do not require a visa, or even an identity card, there are no records of Indians visiting Nepal by land. Second, domestic and regional tourists have different values and behaviors than Western tourists. The tourism industry is more focused on Western tourists and their needs, and fails to recognize the economic contributions of domestic tourists. Although per capita spending by domestic and regional pilgrims is significantly lower than that of other tourists, their overall economic contribution should not be ignored. The regional and domestic heritage and pilgrimage market also helps

diversify the tourism product and reduce the impacts of low seasonality. Thus, there is a need for regional cooperation and collaboration in promoting and developing heritage tourism, not only for widespread global audiences but for regional markets as well (Timothy 2003). The need for regional cooperation in each part of the developing world has

been felt since these countries’ independence in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. As a result, nearly all countries have joined various supranational alliances, such as ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations), SADC (Southern African Development Community), SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation), ECOWAS (the Economic Community of West African States), and CARICOM (Caribbean Community) in an effort to widen their global competitive advantage. Although there have been some tourism initiatives associated with these associations, tourism has not been a major focus (Ghimire 2001), as it has been in the developed world context (e.g., the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and the EU). With their concern about cross-border travel, environmental conservation, economic

development, and intraregional transportation, these organizations have the potential to play an important role in promoting regions at large, facilitating the movement of tourists, and considering the value of regional heritage products (Timothy 2003). This book identifies poverty as a major issue affecting the preservation of

heritage and the development of heritage tourism in underdeveloped nations. Unfortunately, but understandably, heritage conservation is afforded a low priority in countries and regions where the majority of the population struggles to survive. This is especially evident in Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia, where low per capita incomes and other development indices tend to correspond with low levels of tourism and a lack of conservation efforts. Budget problems plague most of the world, but these are especially acute in

less-affluent regions, where money is rarely allocated for heritage preservation; however, the issue is not just a matter of budgets, but also a matter of public agency priorities. In many cases, such as in India, there is simply too much patrimony to conserve, given meager budgets and human resources. All too often, governments focus more on building new mega-structures in lieu of preserving older, more traditional structures. For example, in Bagan, Myanmar, new pagodas have been built atop ancient ruins using inauthentic materials in the name of restoration (see Chapter 5). A giant Buddha statue is currently under construction in Thimpu, Bhutan, while many historic buildings are falling apart. The Indonesian government has built a giant Garuda Vishnu Kencana statue as a tourist attraction in Bali, while many communities fight to save their traditional villages. Corruption compounds these monetary scarcities even further. Corruption

is prevalent in the developing world and takes place in different forms. Bribery is the most common form, affecting the daily lives of ordinary citizens and dictating how the public sector operates. According to the most recent report by Transparency International (2008), less-developed countries have the highest corruption perceptions index (CPI). The report also shows a strong correlation between poverty and corruption. Corruption overshadows more than financial issues, as it takes place in other forms such as political corruption, abuse of power, and favoritism in many sectors including health, education, and trade in illicit antiquities. Further, the efforts of poor countries to alleviate poverty are often plagued by dishonest judiciaries, political parties, and bureaucracies. Unfortunately, more than half of the citizens surveyed by Transparency International around the world expect the level of corruption to increase in the future. Bribery and other forms of corruption influence what heritage products are selected for show, financed for conservation, and traded on the world market. There is also a general lack of understanding and focus regarding intangi-

ble heritage. Intangible heritage is eroded by globalization and modernization processes. There is a major ongoing debate about the costs and benefits of the preservation of intangible heritage versus modernization and, unfortunately in LDCs, the two concepts are usually seen as mutually exclusive and

incompatible. While many, mostly Westerners, view change and modernization as primary causes of lost “primitiveness”, many native people see it as a sign of progress, which enhances their socio-economic condition and quality of life (see Chapter 5). As discussed in several chapters in this book, developing countries are very

rich in heritage; however, the linkage between heritage and tourism is weak. One of the potential ways to strengthen the linkage is interpretation, as Nuryanti (1996: 251) described, “the less developed countries – in the worlds of traditions, cultures, religions, superstitions and distance from modernity – have the potential to be rediscovered as a source of symbols and new interpretations.” One of the fundamental challenges the developing countries face is that heritage portrayed by Westerners is unreal and stereotypical (see Chapter 7). Heritage is often falsified in the production and (mis)representation of culture (MacCannell 1992). This issue can only be resolved through indigenous interpretation, not interpretation by outsiders. Interpretation is more than a description of facts; it should include context-specific truths, indigenous voices, emotional responses, deeper meanings and understandings, and ownership of the people who own the heritage (Nuryanti 1996). The outcomes of interpretation should also create greater appreciation, awareness, understanding, self-fulfillment, and enjoyment for visitors (Herbert 1989). Other issues common to many developing countries are political instability

and conflict. Remnants of the past observed today survived through historical violence and conflicts. It is uncertain how much has already been lost because of contestation and violence, but it certainly must be immense. Minority and indigenous heritage is especially vulnerable. For example, the indigenous heritage of the Caribbean was essentially wiped out during the violent conquest of the islands in the sixteenth century and the slavery that followed (see Chapter 11). Even today, many Buddhist sites in South Asia are located in areas inhabited by other religious majorities and face potential annihilation as religious and racial relations continue to deteriorate (see Chapter 8). Colonialism is another common characteristic of most developing coun-

tries. It has affected the current states and their heritage in many ways, not least of which is political instability as administrative regions were carved out by outsiders with little regard for socio-cultural and religious boundaries (see Chapters 9, 10, and 12). In addition, it was not uncommon for some colonial powers to adopt assimilationist policies in their colonies that dictated the demise of indigenous culture and religion in favor of the cultures, politics, and religions from Europe. Thus, in some places, little remains of the original heritage, but colonial heritage abounds. Patrimonial contention also exists in places where forced migration occurred, as in the case of slavery, which has created heritage identity crises for entire tribes, races, and nations. Despite these challenges, heritage managers and governments have a vast

menu of opportunities for using heritage tourism to enhance the quality of life of destination residents. Unfortunately, a pattern exists in less-developed regions where large numbers of tourists arrive but the benefits of their

spending are not transmitted to the site and the surrounding community; instead, these communities and historic locations are relegated to bear the burdens of mass tourism. Heritage, above many other resources, should become a brighter beacon in alleviating poverty through tourism development, but all too often it is ignored or misused. A primary reason for this is that some heritage managers see tourism as a

problem rather than a tool for finding solutions. There is an unfortunate, albeit widespread, sense of skepticism among heritage managers regarding tourism. There is a concomitant lack of understanding among heritage managers that proper planning and appropriate tourism-related uses of the past can help minimize the negative effects of tourism and maximize its benefits for the community and for their conservation efforts. Heritage managers must begin thinking about the long-term viability of the past rather than simply seeking short-term assistance from international aid agencies. Although major projects such as land acquisition are costly and need large-scale investments from governments and aid agencies, most of the time, heritage is threatened simply by a lack of even minimal budgets to maintain and manage. This book clearly demonstrates that the challenges developing countries

face in the realm of cultural heritage tourism are different and, in some cases, more intense than problems in more affluent countries. In the Western world, heritage concerns relate more basically to normal planning and management, including building demolition, traffic management, and parking problems, whereas in the poorer countries, the issues are more complicated, involving very profound problems related to forced relocations, inadequate compensation, and lack of resources and institutional capabilities (Nuryanti 1996; Nyaupane 2009). Most heritages are created through long historical processes, but there are

some instances, such as in Eastern Europe and South Asia, where heritages are created quickly and are constantly evolving as one set of ideologies is replaced by another. Heritage and heritage tourism are extremely complex phenomena, particularly in the less-developed world. This situation provides tourism scholars, policy makers, and historic site managers with an open laboratory in which to study the evolution of heritage, places, and meanings. One of our goals in putting together this collection was to raise more

questions than we answer. This has been a major success. There are many questions still unanswered. Who owns the heritage and who does not? What implications does this have for conflict resolution? How can heritage be used as a resource to advance pro-poor tourism more effectively? How can the heritage of today be utilized in such a way that it will still be around for future generations? Although some of this work appears to take a negative stance, examining challenges more than opportunities, this is not by choice. It is simply reflective of the concepts and issues researchers have identified in the less-affluent parts of the world. Nonetheless, there is clearly considerable scope for research on improving heritage conditions, overcoming political obstacles, understanding new trends in heritage tourism, appreciating domestic

forms of heritage-based travel, the richness and depth of various cultures, and how tourism functions within different contexts, and appreciating new opportunities that come to light. There is a clear need for more comprehensive research in understanding

heritage tourism issues in the less-developed world. This collection of essays only begins to scratch the surface. It is our hope that students and researchers of tourism will join the effort to understand and enhance the role of heritage as a resource for sustainable tourism in the developing parts of our world.