Introduction

The rise of China (Zhongguo) within the international system has been heralded as one of the most significant changes in turn-of-the-century global relations. Much has been written and discussed about China’s growth in power, often referred to as a ‘rise’ or an ‘ascent’ from an isolated state to a regional power to a potential great power capable of exerting much influence not only within the Asia-Pacific region but also increasingly internationally. This growth and influence are visible in a variety of international relations areas, from security to economy to culture and the environment, all of which leads to the question of the direction the country will take from here. Will it become a global power alongside the United States, and, if it does, what kind of global power will it be? Assuming China continues to accumulate power, these questions become ever more important in understanding changes to Chinese foreign policy. Foreign policy has often been described as the interplay between various political

agents (including individuals with specific needs and wants) and structures formed by social relationships (such as the state, as well as organisations and rules which are commonly constructed).1 In the case of China, the biggest change in that country’s foreign policy development has been the expansion of the number of ‘agents’ involved, directly or indirectly, in the foreign policymaking processes, and in the number of China’s international interests as well as global-level ‘structures’ with which it can interact. In the space of sixty years, China’s foreign policy interests, originally only regional in scope, now encompass many more international relations concerns which can truly be called global. As with other countries, identifying a clear separation between China’s domestic political interests and its foreign policy can be very difficult, but the dividing line has become increasingly blurry as the number of Chinese international interests and responsibilities grow and more actors, both individuals and groups, within China become involved with global affairs. The decision-making process in foreign policy matters is comparatively more cen-

tralised than that of other states, including those in the West, as since the Chinese Revolution of 1949 the Chinese government has been dominated by a single political actor, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP, Zhongguo Gongchandang). However, Beijing still has to undertake frequent balancing between its domestic interests, including improving standards of living, promoting stability and continuing with the process of governmental reform begun in the late 1970s, while developing a modern foreign policy. This ongoing process of simultaneous government bargaining in domestic and foreign relations, often referred to as a ‘two-level game’,2 has become ever more complex in the

Chinese case. This is because Beijing has to keep up the momentum of socio-economic reforms in the country while at the same time overseeing the country’s rapid rise in power within the international system. This book examines the main issues and challenges facing China in the realm of foreign

policy, through two major themes. First, China is a rising power in the international system and is arguably a ‘great power’ on the regional (Asia-Pacific) level as well as increasingly on the international level. However, the country has not yet achieved the status of ‘global power’ or ‘superpower’, a designation shared by both the United States and the then-Soviet Union. It has been frequently demonstrated throughout the history of international relations that great powers have very distinct, and often more numerous, foreign policy interests than other states, and as China grows in global strength and capabilities the same pattern can be seen. Many of the cases examined here will reflect the effects of China’s rapid growth and its commitment to ‘peaceful development’. Second, China’s foreign policy is not only undergoing a process of expansion (kuozhang)

but also of reconstruction (chongjian). This is taking place in a variety of ways. The institutions within China which are responsible for foreign policy development are by necessity undergoing reform permitting them to adjust to changing domestic and international circumstances. However, equally important is the fact that ideas about international relations in China, among both its government and other actors, are also slowly being reconstructed. Outdated ideas are being discarded, previously ignored concepts are being given a fresh airing, and in addition there is a greater willingness in China to learn from other states and other international players (such as organisations). This reconstruction is affecting all aspects of China’s interests abroad, and the process will affect much current and future thinking relating to the country’s future foreign policy goals.