ABSTRACT
Over the past decade, developmental psychologists have become increasingly interested in how children come to understand their own and other individuals5 social group memberships and the consequences of such understandings for childhood and later life outcomes (Barber, Eccles, 8c Stone, 2001; Downe, 2001; Kiesner, Cadinu, Poulin, 8c Bucci, 2001; Martin 8c Ruble, 2004; Ruble, Alverez, Bachman, Cameron, Fuligni, Garcia Coll, 8c Rhee, 2004; Ruble 8c D weck, 1995; Ruble 8c Martin, 2002; Spencer, Fegley, 8c Harpalani, 2003; Swanson, Spencer, DeirAngelo, Harpalani, 8c Spencer, 2002), O f particular interest has been childrens developing understanding of race and ethnicity, particularly in terms of the multiple determ inan ts of such understandings, mechanisms of change in them over time, and their developmental consequences (Nesdale, Durkin, Maas, 8c Griffiths, 2004; Nesdale 8c Flesser, 2001; Udry, Li, 8c Hencirikson-Smith, 2003; Yip 8c Fuligni, 2002), We know, for example, that even within a particular age range children and adolescents vary considerably in the salience of race and ethnicity to their sense of self (Shelton 8c Sellers, 2000; Sellers, Ghavous, 8c Cooke, 1998; Umana-Taylor, 2004; Yip 8c Fuligni, 2002) as well as in their interpretations of racial hierarchies, systems of social stratification, and associated processes such as prejudice and discrimination (Fisher, Wallace, 8c Fenton, 2000; Romero 8c Roberts, 2003; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Nesdale 8c Flesser, 2001; Wong, Eccles, 8c Sameroff, 2003), Indeed, our own data has reminded us repeatedly that children make meaning of race and ethnicity in very different ways. For example, when answering the question “What does it mean to be Dominican?” a fourth-grade boy responded that it means you are 1 part of a Spanish country that is growing. You should be happy because the country is fun and will become famous from the people there,” Answering a similar question, “What does it mean to be White?” a second-grade girl told us, “Well a lot of people are White or Black and some jobs you have to be White and some you have to
he Black so you get those choices.” These are potentially very different types of understandings, one emphasizing ethnic or national pride, and the other differential access to resources,
In efforts to elaborate how children come to such varied understandings, researchers have focused in part on the role that parents play in shaping childrens racial knowledge (Hughes & Chen, 1999; Phinney, Romero, Nava & Huang, 2001; Quintanna & Vera, 1999). As key socializing agents, parents values, attitudes, and behaviors transmit fundamental information to children about their own and other racial and ethnic groups. Some parents deliberately discuss racial issues with their children; others communicate that race is “taboo” by avoiding the topic. Some parents emphasize group differences and disadvantage; others emphasize similarities among all people. Although early studies showed that childrens racial attitudes were unrelated to those of their parents (for reviews, see Aboud, 1988; Katz, 1982), recent research among families of color suggests that parents race-related messages may have important consequences for childrens identity formation and development (Marshall, 1995; Peters, 1985; Sanders Thompson, 1994; Spencer, 1983, 1985; Stevenson, 1994). Although studied less often, White parents obviously transmit information to their children about race, ethnicity, and intergroup relations as well (Hamm, 1999). Thus, childrens orientations toward race are derived, in part, from parental practices and world views.
