ABSTRACT
This book has examined whether the state per se has the intention and the ability to improve gender relations in society by using the case of postWorld War II Japan. Political scientists in Scandinavia, Australia, and recently the United States have scrutinized activity of state institutes on women’s policy in cooperation with feminist groups as the theory of state feminism. Using the theory of state feminism, they have examined the activity of the various state institutes for women and variations of their activities in western democratic and industrial nations where both a state institute for women, and feminist movements have developed (Borchorst 1995; Bystydzienski 1995; Calloni 2001; Celis 2001; Dahluerup 1987; Eisenstein 1990; 1995; Elman 1995; Franzway, Court, & Connell 1989; Ferree 1995; Geller-Schwartz 1995; Guadagnini 1995; Haussman 2001; Hernes 1987; Kamenitsa 2001; Köpl 2001; Lovenduski 1995; Mahon 1995, 2001; Mazur 1995; Outshoorn 1992, 1995, 2001, 1995; Pingle & Watson 1992; Robinson 1995, 2001; Sawer 1990, 1993, 1995; Sawer and Groves 1994; Siim 1991; Stentson 1987, 1995, 2001; Valiente 1995, 2001; Yeatman 1990; Warker 1990).1 Yet there is no study of state feminism in Asia or Africa, where state agencies for women have existed, but feminist movements have not yet developed strongly enough to improve gender relations in society. The theory of state feminism is important for us in knowing how a state absorbs feminist ideas, goals, and the energies of feminist activists. Yet the state feminist theory should have a stronger capability to analyze whether and how a state can absorb feminist ideas and goals without a strong feminist movement in society. In other words, the study of state feminism in western industrial and democratic states focuses on how democracy is made more democratic (Mazur 2001), while the study of the state feminism in other regions examines how a state makes the society more democratic.
