ABSTRACT

Economic inequality between both communities John Hunter (1983), and Sean Byrne and Neal Carter (1996), argue that the Northern Ireland conflict doesn’t solely hinge on economic inequalities between Unionists and Nationalists as it involves a more complex social cubism analysis of socioeconomic, political, cultural, psychological, demographic, and religious factors. For example, Unionism as an ideology could be considered as anachronistic in the modern era of politics because it belongs to an earlier phase in political history – colonialism (Wright 1987). Indeed, international opinion often considers the outcome of a united Ireland as inevitable (Guelke 1988). Clearly, Ulster unionism has a supremacist ideology and a siege mentality as Unionists feel proud of their economic achievements and consider themselves a major economic force in the region, representing all class alliances (Byrne 1999). There is a contested imperial connection with the Unionist community as the majority of Nationalists favor a united Ireland (Wright 1987, 1996). Unionists often feel aggrieved that the outside world does not understand their unique political position (Dixon 2000). Albert Memmi’s (1976) The Colonizer and the Colonized argues that the basis of the colonial system lies in its economic privilege, which determines the nature of the relationship between the Colonizer and the Colonized. To maintain and develop this system the Colonizer constructs socioeconomic and political structures designed to ensure his continued advantage, and formulates a racist ideology internalized by the oppressed, which justifies and legitimizes his advantaged position. The Colonizer’s welfare and being is dependent upon the discriminatory state apparatus that he builds. As such he will defend it from both internal and external assault with poorer Colonizers giving their support to the state. This sense of assault can be very real with the return of migrants from the colonizing country with expectations of higher living standards. Memmi’s analysis is useful for our understanding of the underlying nature of the Northern Ireland conflict. The Nationalist-Unionist cleavage in Northern Ireland is politically very sharp. The very existence of the state is the central political question in Northern Ireland; perhaps because economic setbacks and resulting decreases in the standard of living can do little to enhance the internal legitimacy and acceptance of the state (MacGinty 2008). Northern Ireland is supported by a metropolitan power – Britain.