ABSTRACT

Since World War I, the United States has pursued the defense of Western civilization as a critical element of its own national interest. In his provocative reconsideration of that goal, Robert Strausz-Hupe asks whether the American people can still agree upon and adopt foreign policies consistently devoted to that end. He specifically examines popular and paradoxical attitudes that often undermine Washington's ability to defend American and Western interests, attitudes towards society and the state, politics and government, instruments of foreign policy and the people who wield them.

As the backdrop for his analysis, Strausz-Hupe employs the wisdom of Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, reiterating Tocqueville's finding that the driving force of American life is its passion for equality and democracy. To this insight, Strausz-Hupe adds another: When one realizes that domestic politics is the driving force behind foreign policy, one understands why "the foreign policy of the United States cannot be other than the defense of democracy everywhere." Unlike some analysts, however, Strausz-Hupe believes that this proposition states only the problem for American statesmen not the answer. The answer, Strausz-Hupe concludes, lies in a universal federation of democratic states.

In an appreciative foreword that examines the evolution of Strausz-Hupe thought, Walter A. McDougall demonstrates that this idealistic vision of a democratic world-state has been the unifying thread in Strausz-Hupe's intellectual career, not the calculating Realpolitik so often attributed to him.

Democracy and American Foreign Policy will be of central importance to international relations specialists, policymakers, political scientists, and students of political philosophy. Its chapters include "Tocqueville and Nationalism"; "Tocqueville and Marx"; "The Hypocrisies of Egalitarianism"; "Foreign Policy and Interest Groups"; and "Isolationism and the New World Order."

chapter |4 pages

Introduction

part |36 pages

Part I

chapter 1|6 pages

Alexis de Tocqueville

chapter 2|6 pages

Tocqueville and Nationalism

chapter 3|7 pages

Tocqueville and Hedonism

chapter 4|6 pages

Tocqueville and World Conflict

chapter 5|6 pages

Tocqueville and Equality

chapter 6|4 pages

Tocqueville and Marx

part |32 pages

Part II

chapter 7|4 pages

Equality and Egalitarianism

chapter 8|8 pages

The Hypocrisies of Egalitarianism

chapter 9|6 pages

Meritocracy

chapter 10|4 pages

Democracy and Discipline

chapter 11|8 pages

Bureaucracy

part |56 pages

Part III

chapter 12|8 pages

Foreign Policy and Interest Groups

chapter 13|6 pages

Idealism versus Realism

chapter 14|8 pages

The American Diplomatic Establishment

chapter 15|6 pages

American Attitudes towards Diplomacy

chapter 16|6 pages

The Military-Industrial Complex

chapter 17|4 pages

Isolationism and the New World Order

chapter 18|6 pages

The End of History

chapter 19|6 pages

The Power of Nationalism

chapter 20|4 pages

The American National Interest

part |40 pages

Part IV

chapter 21|8 pages

Why the Soviet Union Fell

chapter 22|8 pages

The Former Soviet Union Today

chapter 23|4 pages

The Primacy of Europe

chapter 24|6 pages

Nato

chapter 25|4 pages

The Middle East

part |10 pages

Part V

chapter 27|4 pages

Towards a Union of the Democracies

chapter |4 pages

Postscript

Democracy and Statesmanship