ABSTRACT

First Published in 1997. The alternation between high vowels and glides is shown here to follow from the interaction of phonological constraints as defined by Prince and Smolensky's (1993) Optimality Theory. The alternation stems from simultaneously comparing moraic and nonmoraic parses of high vowels for constraint satisfaction

chapter I|35 pages

Introduction

chapter III|80 pages

Metrical Influences on Syllabification

chapter IV|70 pages

Other Sources of Glides