ABSTRACT
They ... agree on several politically relevant dimensions: a rejection of modern science, a questioning of the modern idea of progress, a refusal to affiliate with any traditional, institutionalized political movements that have what they consider a "totalizing ideology" and an abandonment of logocentric foundational projects with comprehensive solutions-be they liberal, centrist, or conservative .... They are "post-proletarian, post-industrial, post-socialist, post-Marxist, and post distributional." Laclau and Mouffe's notion of "radical, plural democracy,"
Post-modem social movements are not interested in speaking for the working class, which they consider reactionary or obsolete. The politics of redistribution is not part of their program. Nor do they struggle for the social benefits that were central to the old left, such as welfare or unemployment insurance. Such assistance, these post-modernists contend, just creates problems. They look to new forms of politics that go beyond emancipation because the "enemies," if they exist at all, are no longer the bourgeoisie or the boss so much as the bureaucracy, centralized government, and "democratically" elected representatives. (Rosenau 1992: 146; citations omitted)11 The second consequence is institutionalized or structural
Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics," 1989 Univ. of Chicago Legal Forum 139.
