ABSTRACT
It is ironic that many tribes, like my tribe, the Navajos, find ourselves having to demonstrate our connection to our own ancestors and cultural items and that we must become "legitimate"—that is, credentialed in the eyes of the federal government—in order to protect our ancestors and sacred places on tribal homelands, but such is the outcome of a history of colonialism in this country. Begay (2003, 43–46) points out that Navajos practiced cultural resource management for centuries, as is true for many Native Nations of this continent. For Navajos many "archaeological sites" are recognized in Navajo oral history as places of clan origins and history, the homes of Navajo deities, and also feature prominently in Navajo religion and ceremonies (Begay 2003; Frisbie and McAllister 1978; Goddard 1933; Haile 1938a , b; Kelley and Francis 1994; Luckert 1977, 1981; Matthews 1994 [1897]; O'Bryan 1956; Preston 1954; Wyman 1970). These special places were, and still are, taken care of by Navajo people, who harbor great respect for Nahasdzaan (Mother Earth), Diyin Dine (Navajo holy people), and Anaasazi (all ancient peoples of Dine customary lands) (Begay 2001). Because Navajo people must find ways to continue to show respect to their traditions and culture, which includes the care of "archaeological sites," within the confines of modern Western society that is, America as well as the bureaucracy of the United States, clashes in cultural values occur.
