ABSTRACT
Intheinitialstagesofperestroika,theessenceofourlabormovementwas,first, aneconomicstruggleforimprovementinworkingconditionsandinpayand, second,anever-clearerconsciouspoliticalstruggleforoneoranothertypeof socialdevelopment,forthecompleteoverthrowofstatesocialismoritsrestoration.Itisnaturalthatuntilnow-thewinterof1991-92---themainthingthathas beenachievedbythelabormovementhasbeeninthesphereofpoliticsandhas signifiedthatthemassofordinarypeoplehasbecomeinvolvedinpubliclife.It playedadecisiveroleinstavingoffattemptsbynational-Bolshevikfundamentalists inthewinterandspringof1991toturnbacktheclockonourwholesocial development,andithelpedtocrushtherevoltinAugust1991.1
Atthesametime,itisbecomingincreasinglyclearthatthelabormovement hashadotheroutcomes-outcomesthatwerenotaconsciousaimearlierand, perhaps,thatdonotnowhavesuchdecisivesignificanceasthepoliticaloutcomesoftheworkers'strugglebutthatareinthemselvesfairlysubstantial.One oftheseoutcomeshasbeenthechangeinthesystemoflaborrelationsinthe economy,i.e.,thesystemofeverydayinteractionsofconflicts,compromises, collaborationbetweenlabor,especiallywagelabor,andinstitutions,groups,people, managersofindustry-allthatismeanttodayintheWestbysuchconceptsas "industrialrelations,""industrialconflicts,""tripartitesocialpartnership,""socialcollaboration,"etc.Andalthoughtoday,toallappearances,thisisnotthe mainthinginthelabormovement,tomorrow-whenandifthephaseofrevolutionarychangescomestoanendandthetransitiontoamarket-democraticsociety becomesirreversible-theestablishmentofoneoranothertypeoflaborrelations willbeoneofthemostimportantfactorsintheeffective(orineffective)functioningofthenewsocialsystem.Thismakesitallthemoreimportanttofocus onchangesinthisspherenow.
