ABSTRACT

Finally, in the Afterword, we pull together the discussions sparked by the chapters to consider whether a general theory of desistance is possible or desirable – and what the research has shown about the congruence or disparity between desistance processes. Is there one process of desistance? Or are there different processes, depending upon the age and maturation of offenders, their gender, their contacts and supporters, and the countries and societies in which they live? Where are the gaps in what we know about desistance and where are the similarities, even between studies conducted in different countries and decades? What are the key priorities for desistance research now as we take stock of the significant progress made since the turn of the century through the existing longitudinal and qualitative studies?