ABSTRACT
This opening section consists of chapters whose authors are primarily concerned with what might be thought of as the interplay between the agency of the offender himself or herself in making a change towards desistance, and the wider societal, economic and cultural conditions, which structure and shape lifestyles, neighbourhoods and opportunities. The empirical research undertaken thus far, almost regardless of research site, methodology or theoretical stance adopted, has shown that desistance is only very rarely an abrupt change from committing crime to leading an entirely law-abiding life. Even when sudden changes have been documented, these often come after some period of reflection about desisting has already started, for example, the ‘shock’ of a near-death experience or of almost being caught, and may reinforce uncertainties, which already existed. More commonly, desistance seems to be a process, in which progress may be slow or uneven, with some crime-free periods and some relapses. Initial desires to change one’s lifestyle (in what may be called ‘early desistance’) may or may not be reinforced or rebutted by circumstances. Initial steps towards leading a life in which engagement in crime was less prominent may run up against obstacles such as the difficulty in finding legitimate employment. Similarly, desistance may be maintained by supportive partners, families or peers. These possibilities or obstacles will be affected both by cultural factors within that society and also its economic and social possibilities at that point in time.
