That is a prophetic description of the relationships which emerged between the party and the working class when Lenin's theory of proletarian dictatorship was applied to Soviet Russia. Whatever may have been either its validity or its necessity in Russian conditions, or even under conditions which approximated to those of Russia, it was void of the substance of proletarian dictatorship as Marx and Engels conceived it. And when Lenin's theory has been applied on the international plane, its outcome has invariably been passionate internecine conflict, with a struggle for power in each national party; this has led to splits and schisms, with the same type of angry accusations of betrayal and immoral behaviour which Lenin, with tragic results, brought against the leaders of the Second International after the outbreak of the first World War in 1914. To think in these terms is not to think in Marxian terms. "When you enquire into the causes of the counterrevolutionary successes," wrote Engels, with the approval of Marx, 1 "there you are nlet on every hand with the ready reply that it was Mr. This, or Citizen That, who 'betrayed' the people. Which reply may be very true or not, according to circumstances; but under no circumstances
for the transition to socialism. That is why, in the famous preface to the Critique of Political Economy, Marx could insist that "no social order ever disappears before all the productive forces for which there is room in it, have developed; and new higher relations of production never appear before the material conditions of their existence have been matured in the womb of the old society."I Nothing shows more clearly that this maturity is real than the degree to which democratic institutions can withstand the effort of reaction to destroy their power to release the "new and higher relations of production" of \vhich Marx here is speaking.