Presupposition Projection and Scope of Specific Indefinites
In chapter 3, I have shown that specific indefinites give rise to presuppositions. This is contrasted with the view that specific indefinites are not different semantically from non specific indefinites. In the latter position, specific indefinites are just indefinites that have wide scope over some operators, or have the widest scope in a sentence. This claim reflects the observation that specific indefinites tend to have wide scope regardless of whether or not we take the position that indefinites are semantically ambiguous. As I claim that specific indefinites trigger presuppositions, I need to show that the tendency of specific indefinites to have wide scopes follow the general tendency of presuppositions. Then it is not a special condition on specific readings of indefinites to have wide scopes. If presuppositions may have narrower scope than some operators, specific indefinites are also expected to show such scopes. This is what we have observed. For example, specific indefinites may have narrow scope than the universal quantifier (Ioup 1977, Hintikka 1986, Enr; 1991, etc.), or narrower scope than the B-operator CEnr; 1991).