ABSTRACT
Research on migration from less developed to developing countries, so-called South-South migration (SSM), as opposed to South-North migration (SNM) or migration from developing to developed countries, emerged in the literature in the early 2000s, immediately attracting considerable scholarly and policy attention. SSM is larger than SNM (Hujo and Piper 2010; World Bank 2011) and bears several unique features. First, SSM allows for a relatively high mobility of migrants across national borders due to weak border control regimes and poor governance structures in developing countries. SSM is also poorly documented and is often described as irregular migration (Hujo and Piper 2010). Second, SSM is generally less skilled (De Lombaerde et al. 2014). Third, whereas South-North migrants may eventually apply for residency, attain citizenship and receive vocational training or advanced education, South-South migrants rarely have access to such privileges and are more likely either to stay temporarily and return home upon termination of their contract or seek employment in the shadow economy. The presence of a shadow economy is another characteristic feature of SSM. It is often the outcome of an incoherent economic policy, low societal integration of migrants, corruption and widespread hostility towards migrants. The Russian Federation, together with India and South Africa, are the
largest receiving countries of SSM (Dilip and Shaw 2007). In fact, Russia is the world’s second most frequent destination country for migration after the United States, with 12.3 million migrants present in the country as of 2010 (World Bank 2011). Because of visa-free agreements between the Russian Federation and most post-Soviet states, citizens of countries such as Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Moldova can enter Russia without restrictions. Importantly, the governments of some Central Asian republics, for example Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, have in fact encouraged their citizens to seek work in Russia or elsewhere – a move intended to alleviate political and social tensions at home. In Tajikistan, as some scholars have suggested, the ‘social responsibility of the state was basically transferred to labour migrants’ (Di Bartolomeo et al. 2014: 21).
