ABSTRACT
The knowledge base of the nature and meaning of children’s play in different cultures around the world has increased quite a bit over the last decade (Bornstein & Puttnick, 2012; Roopnarine, Patte, Johnson, & Kuschner, in press; Singer, Singer, D’Agostino, & DeLong, 2009). Several forces have helped in shaping this growing literature: greater attention to theoretical propositions within cultural and indigenous psychology (Bornstein, 2010); increased data collection in diverse settings; better scientific integration of knowledge systems between the developed and developing world (see Berry, 2013); and the evolving emphasis on play-based early childhood education as an alternative to rigorous academic training for young children in a number of developing societies (India, Kenya, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey) (Chaudhary & Shukla, in press; Ivrendi & Erdogan, in press; Logie, 2013; Ng’asike, in). All of this has led to more indigenous descriptions of the quality and developmental trajectories of children’s play, assessments of the importance of play for early childhood development in situ (see Lancy, 2007; Roopnarine et al., in press; Smith, 2010), and the stepped-up discussions about universal and community-specific aspects of play and learning.
