ABSTRACT
In the past two decades sociological research has produced a copious literature on ethnic inequality, in general, and the economic attainment of immigrants, in particular. With few exceptions, these studies focused on labor market activities and the extent to which immigrants are incorporated into the labor market of the receiving society (for a general discussion see Borjas and Tienda 1993; Poston 1994; for the Israeli case see Raijman and Semyonov 1995; Semyonov 1997). While this literature invariably underscores the hardship experienced by immigrants upon arrival at the host society, studies have also found that the hardship in the labor market is often alleviated with the passage of time. Immigrants become assimilated as they gain proficiency in language and acquire job-related information and relevant skills (Chiswick 1979; Neidert and Farley 1985; Poston 1988). Critics of this linear view of assimilation have pointed to the diversity of modes of incorporation into the labor market. In particular, they have called attention to the importance of the specific period of migration (Bloom and Gunderson 1990; Borjas 1995). In addition, researchers have underscored the importance of country of origin, as well as the social organization and cultural orientation of immigrant groups, in determining success in the labor market of the host society (Portes and Stepick 1985; Portes and Rumbaut 1990).
