ABSTRACT
In previous chapters, I proposed that the industrial relations conditions of teachers and their work practices in schools, such as the focus of their pedagogy around the examination system, were manifestations of a broader agenda of economic development that was related to ‘manpower planning goals’ (Chon 1995, 133) of South Korean governments. This analysis of the human capital investment model in South Korean education which, according to Chon (1995, 128) ‘in the opinion of many...provided the springboard as well as the necessary support for the country’s development’ has shown a range of negative impacts and consequences for teachers and students. These effects were compounded by other impacts in education of national defence and security issues. The reformist teachers objected to a range of militaristic practices in education and the content of reunification education, relating to the national division of South Korea and North Korea and their military confrontations in the closing decades of the twentieth century. These matters were recognised by the movement as being extremely complex and embedded in history, the Korean political structure and the influence of external powers, particularly the United States. While they were aware of the genuine threat of North Korea, the teachers in Chunkyojo attempted to ‘recognise the necessity of the
reunification of the Korean nation, which can be started with ending teachings which inspire hostile attitudes towards North Korea’ (Chunkyojo 1990a, 18). Looking to the future, the union’s first president Yun commented in interview, ‘after reunification the present young generation will have responsibility for our country, but the government never educates them about unification, so we have to educate them about that’ (Yun 1990).
