ABSTRACT

In the view of the ‘sceptical’ mainstream of industrial relations research, three - interrelated - factors stand in the way of the emergence of transna­ tional industrial relations, and in particular of a system of genuinely supra­ national collective bargaining. The first is the ‘European transnational weak­ ness’ of the trade unions (rooted in the political, ideological and substantive heterogeneity of union interests). The second is the ‘transnational organisa­ tional weakness’ of the employers (based on the fact that they see no strategic benefit in organising and interacting supra-nationally for the purpose of col­ lective bargaining within the EU framework). And the third is ‘the suprana­ tional weakness’ of the European Union itself as a political entity (Ebbinghaus and Visser, 1994). In particular, corporatist approaches view this lack of a properly functioning statehood, when compared with national states, as telling evidence for the fact that a pattern of industrial relations analogous to the tripartite arrangements found at national level will not be in­ stalled at European level in the foreseeable future. Although movement to­ wards statehood might be inherent in the process of European unity, the EU’s intrinsic limitations - both as a state and as a democratic polity - serve to block the full realisation of this potential.