ABSTRACT
For a long time, ‘‘cabinet instability’’ has been almost a hallmark of modern Italy. There have been more than fifty governments since World War II, with an average tenure of less than one year. Several authors (Koff and Koff, 2000; Pasquino, 2000) noted that part of the problem with the executive branch lies with the fact that the constitution does not clearly spell out the functions of government. Under these conditions, the prime minister becomes a ‘‘limited leader,’’ and the formation of a government can be a very complex matter. As a welcome change for Italians, the situation has, somehow, stabilized toward the end of the 1990s. Between 1996 and 2004 there have been only four governments holding
office, with some cabinet reshuffling. In 1996, the center-left Ulivo (Olive Tree) coalition won the general election. Its acclaimed leader, Romano Prodi, promised that his government would last the full term. In 1998, premier Prodi lost to a vote of confidence, and was replaced by Massimo D’Alema (of the Democrats of the Left, the heirs of the Italian Communist party) who also promised that his government would endure until the end of its term. In April 2000, following a serious defeat in local elections, Giuliano Amato, a former Socialist and a professor of constitutional law, replaced D’Alema.1 Amato also promised he would lead his government until the general election scheduled for 2001. Thus, the Ulivo coalition that had guaranteed the Italian electorate that its government would, at last, follow the example of other European countries and last the full five years, was shattered after two years, its leader Prodi removed (to the new post of EU Commission president) and replaced by a premier who, at the general elections in 1996, did not even run. Instead of the promised one government for the full tenure, Italians had to cope with three cabinets, which was a marked improvement, but still a far cry from the praxis of other advanced democracies.
