ABSTRACT
There were some exceptions, however. In Britain, there was, notably, James Littlejohn’s Westrigg: The Sociology of a Cheviot Parish (1963), based on fieldwork between 1949 and 1951; Ronald Frankenberg’s Village on the Border (1957); and Rosemary Harris’s Prejudice and Tolerance in Ulster (1972), based mainly upon a study carried out in 1952-53: all three were by ‘native’ anthropologists working on the geographical fringes of Britain. There were urban studies, also: †Raymond Firth’s Two Studies of Kinship in London (1956), followed by his pupil Elizabeth Bott’s highly influential book Family and Social Network (1957). In Norway, Gutorm Gjessing’s Changing Lapps: A Study of Culture Relations in Northernmost Norway (1954) was another early example of ‘at home’ anthropology on the northern fringe, as was †Fredrik Barth’s The Role of the Entrepreneur in Social Change in Northern Norway (1963). Visiting anthropologists making early ‘parallel’ studies included the Americans John and Dorothy Keur (The Deeply Rooted: A Study of a Drents Community in the Netherlands, 1955), Robert and Barbara Anderson (The Vanishing Village: A Danish Maritime Community, 1964), and John Messenger (Inis Beag, Isle of Ireland, 1969). The British social anthropologist John Barnes based his famous paper, in which *network analysis was first elaborated, on his fieldwork in Bremnes (‘Class and Committees in a Norwegian Island Parish’, Human Relations 7:39-58, 1954); and Robert Paine’s Coast Lapp Society II: A Study of Economic Development and Social Values appeared in 1965.
