ABSTRACT
Introduction There has been, and continues to be, significant and growing criminological attention to the issue of crimes perpetrated by the state (Barak 1990; Barak 1991; Chambliss 1989; Green and Ward 2004; Kramer and Michalowski 2006; Mullins and Rothe 2008a; Ross and Rothe 2008; Rothe 2009b), especially as it relates to the resulting social harm and injury that often occurs on a grand scale (Friedrichs 2000; Hamm 2007; Kauzlarich and Kramer 1998; Kramer 1995; Lenning 2007; Lenning and Brightman 2009; Mullins and Rothe, 2008a, 2008b; Rothe 2009b). Scholars have analyzed motivating factors and opportunities that have illustrated the complicity of state actors in the commission of crimes such as the genocide (Mullins 2009; Mullins and Rothe 2007, 2008a; Rothe 2009b), war crimes (Buss 2009; Rothe and Ross 2010; Welch 2009), crimes against humanity (Cencich 2009; Mullins and Rothe 2008a; Rothe 2009b), as well as many human rights abuses that occur during conflict and post-conflict situations (Barak 1990; Lenning 2007; Rothe 2010a). What are less often mentioned are patterns of state victimization that increase the susceptibility of already vulnerable populations to future harm. It is the long-term impacts of these actions or inactions on these populations that creates risk for future victimization. One such population that is at particular risk for future harm is those displaced from their communities and homes; populations that then become internally displaced.
