of employees. Another is elec-
What follows is an attempt to provide a structure and brief history for this argument by laying out my view of the phases through which corporate capitalism and social movements have gone since World War II as they have engaged in the struggle over Japan's postwar democracy. These are hotly contested issues, and many scholars who would agree on the general point that capitalist development reinforces authoritarianism might disagree with the way that I have posed the issues below. 3
One part of my concern will be to layout the interlocking strategies-ilot only economic and political, but also social and cultural--that the elite of business, bureaucracy, and the conservative party has used in its restless search for efficiency, which has meant in practice achieving the highest possible rates of economic growth and undisputed political hegemony within Japan's democratic system. A primary battleground is the workplace, where managers seek to extend ever greater control over the minds and bodies tions and government, where conservative politicians and bureaucrats have attempted to limit the meaning of democracy to the quest for the most effective strategies for stimulating national economic growth. Another is the marketplace, where business has campaigned to defme the reproductive and social needs of family and community as mere satisfaction of individual consumer tastes. Yet another is the fractured family, where the enterprise has done its best to draw the salarymanlhusbandinto the embrace of the male-dominated "enterprise family," which provides him with most of his needs-for food, sociability, and sex-and to subcontract the wife as unpaid provider of outside services essential for maintaining the salaryman's world.