ABSTRACT
Social exclu sion and social inequal ity are as evident in sport as in any other area of society. The phys ical and psycho lo gical health bene fits of sport parti cip a tion and phys ical activ ity are well docu mented (e.g. Pyle et al., 2003; Malina, et al. 2004; Malina, 2006; Seigel et al., 2009). Hence, from a social science and public health perspect ive, it would be highly bene fi cial to minim ize social exclu sion and inequal ity in sport and phys ical activ ity. In other words, to increase social inclusion and equal ity of access in sport. Therefore, it is a serious problem that there is an appar ent social divide when it comes to phys ical activ ity and sport parti cip a tion glob ally. In the case of Norway, studies have shown that Norwegians with advanced degrees1 are more phys ic ally active and have higher parti cip a tion rates in sport, compared to Norwegians with high school educa tion (Breivik and Rafoss, 2012; Ommundsen and Aadland, 2009). Similarly, studies have also demon strated that Norwegians with a high level of income are more active and phys ic ally fit than Norwegians earning minimum wages (Anderssen et al., 2009; Ulseth, 2008). Some studies have also invest ig ated the correl a tion between personal income and educa tional level, as well as parents’ educa tional level and house hold economy. Again, these studies show a clear correl a tion between social class and parti cip a tion in sport and phys ical activ ity (Breivik and Rafoss, 2012; Rafoss and Breivik, 2009). Similar tend en cies have also been docu mented in studies of health and social exclu sion in other coun tries, such as England (Collins, 2014).
