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Qiaoxiang Ties
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Qiaoxiang Ties book
Qiaoxiang Ties
DOI link for Qiaoxiang Ties
Qiaoxiang Ties book
ByDouw
Edition 1st Edition
First Published 1999
eBook Published 7 January 1999
Pub. Location London
Imprint Routledge
Pages 354
eBook ISBN 9780203039359
Subjects Area Studies
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Douw, (1999). Qiaoxiang Ties (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203039359
ABSTRACT
First Published in 1999. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
chapter |1 pages
(qiaoxiang) themselves. From outside looking qiaoxiang kin qiaoxiang relationship qiaoxiang families and their respective local officials. These caveats add qiaoxiang phenomenon has aroused during the
Byin, there are distinct differences between the application of Hong Kong capital and expertise and that of similar investments from Taiwan. And both Hong Kong and Taiwan entrepreneurs each bring with them distinct outlooks and experiences, and they also enjoy advantages when in mainland China that are different from those available to Chinese overseas who are
chapter |9 pages
MOBILIZATION
STEPHANIE PO-YIN CHUNG
ByTHE CASE The very term huaqiao is primarily a political construct, which was transplanted to ‘overseas Chinese’ communities, where residents inspired by the notion of ‘commercial war’ and the Qing Government’s ‘rights recovery movement’, formed chambers of commerce to advance the economic
chapter |13 pages
Zhongguo Xinhai geming huiyilu, pp. 289-90). The Subscription Bureau in HK$1 million in the colony (Huazi ribao, 17, 18 November 1911. Zhongguo Xinhai geming huiyilu, pp. 290-307). Zhongguo Xinhai geming huiyilu, pp. 290-307.)
ByHong Kong sought to raise a loan of HK$5 million from overseas Chinese, including In Hong Kong, the only threat the Siyi men had to deal with was the disapproval of the colonial governor. Alarmed by the close connection
chapter |2 pages
itself, where it cared for tongxiang by providing them qiaoxiang (localities in China from which emigrants originate, tongxianghui served, ideally at qiaoxiang tie, which, with (Sanshui Xianzhi, 1995:1289). (hong toujin) because of the special headgear they wore Sanshi Xianzhi, pp. 1298-300). As in the case of
Bymaterial and spiritual security. The second arena encompassed interactions between Sanshui sojourners in Hong Kong and the home-county. Here, it enabled the sojourner to maintain ties with the home-county, and in the process, it also became the mechanism by which the home-county could reach out to its native sons (see, especially, Sinn, 1997a:375-97).
chapter |10 pages
tongxiang in various localities. Such tongxiang around the world with the tongxiang who had died abroad.
yiqiao chaozhen hui) to mobilize support from Singapore, and other
Byoperations involved large-scale organization in logistics, publicity and currency arrangements which associations in Hong Kong were best-placed to provide. In 1938, for instance, when South China was invaded by the Japanese, the SNA organized the Sanshui Natives Relief Society (Sanshui
chapter |7 pages
Sanshui Xunkan was partially supported by donations from tongxiang in Pulling at Heart Strings Xunkan as Self-Promotion by Sanshui leaders tongxiang ties. It consistently paid
Bydifferent localities as well. Apart from the contents noted above, we should also note two other features, the language used and the self-promotion of the SNA members. One is justified to characterize the overall style of writing in the
chapter |11 pages
BRIDGES ACROSS THE SEA: CHINESE SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA AND THE LINKS WITH QIAOXIANG,
ByHONG LIU
chapter |3 pages
multi-qiaoxiang representations, the Singapore qiaoxiang) provides another interesting case showing how SCCC went
ByChinese Chamber of Commerce (SCCC), was unquestionably the key regional institution in serving both as the guardian of trust and the enforcement mechanism against trust abuse. For instance, in 1931, the Chamber acting on behalf of its member, Lim Dinmao, requested the court in Amoy to ‘reclaim the S$90,000 debt’ owed by a former manager of
chapter |3 pages
qiaoxiang connections, and this global surge has been partly led The Disruption of the Qiaoxiang Ties qiaoxiang. Although the bridges did not entirely break down, they qiaoxiang, there were only isolated examples of
by overseas Chinese organizations, particularly those in Southeast Asia. The years after 1949 saw a series of substantial changes that would reshape the nature and characteristics of Chinese communities in Southeast Asia and their relationship with qiaoxiang. For one thing, with the founding of
chapter |1 pages
qiaoxiang ties, within which Chinese qiaoxiang. Their major domain of influence continues to be in the realm of qiaoxiang ties has been characterized by a greater
Byorganizations from Southeast Asia play a dynamic leading role, bears both continuity and discontinuity with the historical patterns that had existed prior to 1949. For one thing, they have been similarly guided by the principles of locality and kinship and driven by the need to expand social, cultural and business networks beyond the national boundaries, including in
chapter |1 pages
(Anxi Xiangxu [Hometown News from Anxi], April 6, 1994). brief, the post-1949 era has seen both continuity and discontinuity of qiaoxiang ties that had existed during the
Bythe historical patterns of bridging first half of the twentieth century. This changing pattern is a clear testimony that organized forms of Chinese modern transnationalism have been conditioned by two fundamental factors. Externally, they are subject to the
chapter |1 pages
qiaoxiang ties highlights some of the major qiaoxiang were rebuilt with considerable easiness. qiaoxiang ties is, therefore, a reworking of qiaoxiang ties throughout the twentieth century.
Bythemes that are centrally concerned with the patterns of modern Chinese transnationalism. Three issues seem to be particularly relevant in this connection: the cultural dimension of Chinese transnationalism; the integration of parochial loyalty and trans-locality sentiments; and the convergence of vertical representations and horizontal linkages. In the first
chapter |6 pages
qiaoxiang ties were geared predominantly toward the locality, but they were qiaoxiang.
Bysometimes linked explicitly with larger national causes, such as during the anti-Japanese movement in the second half of the 1930s. It was mainly through this integration of local and national concerns that Chinese identities were to become more diverse and flexible, incorporating not only local sentiments, but also increasingly nationalistic and cosmopolitan ideals.
chapter |5 pages
GOVERNMENT
INTERACTIONS OVERSEAS Support from the ethnic Chinese diaspora, including the residents of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao, has been an important factor in the
chapter |7 pages
Haiwai Lianyihui) in 1987. qiaoxiang associations with considerable yuan (Guangdong Nianjian Editorial Committee, 1996:675).
ByMAINTAINING TIES WITH FAMOUS PERSONS The ORFOCA of Guangdong and Fujian pay special attention to successful people originating from their respective provinces. These are leaders in the industrial, commercial and financial sectors in the countries/regions where they live, as well as leading professionals and academics. Some become
chapter |3 pages
hechong (a local insect qiaoxiang of the province. It has an area of 649 sq.km., and was formerly a
Bywhich is considered a delicacy) festival, the mandarins and oranges festival, the dragon-boat races, etc. Publications by the ORFOCA are regarded as effective channels of communication; and many have appeared after 1978. At present, there are almost twenty such publications with the endorsement of the provincial
chapter |2 pages
Yazhou Zhoukan, Vol. 9, No. 54, 17 December 1995:46-7). QlAOXIANG AND OVERSEAS CHINESE
ByJinjiang’s performance in overseas Chinese work has often been looked upon as a model. It seems to have been co-ordinating well with the provincial authorities, though most of the problems discussed above also apply to Jinjiang. In particular, the law of diminishing returns begins to be felt. Nevertheless, through its efforts, Jinjiang attracted substantial
chapter |2 pages
qiaoxiang associations. This has been reflected by the latter’s enhanced (zou chu qu) in qiaoxiang associations to involve each other in organizing (Fujian Jingji Nianjian, (Fujian Nianjian, 1996:108). In the same (Guangdong Nianjian,
Byactivities and increase in membership, as well as the formation of linkages among them and even kinship organizations and clansmen’s associations on a global scale. The ORFOCA in Guangdong and Fujian often describe their mode of operation as inviting them in (qingjin lai) and reaching out
chapter |3 pages
yuan (Fujian Nianjian, 1995:73). Two other examples (Tongxiang Lianyihui) was organized in
Bywere: in October 1993, the World Yongchun Associations Friendship Conference (Shetuan Lianyihui) held its inauguaration ceremony in Yongchun in Fujian; and in October 1995, the First World Dabu Clansmen’s Friendship Conference Dabu in Guangdong.
chapter |4 pages
qiaoxiang associations in overseas communities is not limited to (Guangdong Qiaobao, 13 January 1994). (Guangdong Qiaobao, 13 January 1994, ‘Jinjiang Qiutian de Huaren Jingji Nianjian Editorial Committee (ed.) Southeast Asian Economic Miracle, New Brunswick, Overseas Chinese and Foreign Investment in China: An Application
Byattracting their investments. Authorities consider the wealth of overseas Chinese communities as part of the capital of the national bourgeoisie of the countries in which they reside, and investment from overseas Chinese communities constitutes part of China’s trade and economic co-operation with the countries concerned
chapter |4 pages
yin and yang energies. After dying, the spirit, (xiao) and their ancestors with ritual propriety, li. In life,
hun was believed to have merely moved from one realm of existence, the (renjian), where the physical form was visible, to another: the
Byhuman world netherworld (yinjian), where it was no longer visible to mortal eyes. Either there, or in the heavenly realm, yangjian (Yang, 1961:150-1), the dead continue to interact with the living, keeping a protective watch over their
chapter |2 pages
qiaoqing and their Anxi kin have now begun to meet the spiritual needs of gongde means ‘public virtues and morality’ though it gongde is essential for a various reasons. First, it is
Bythe departed. Literally speaking, is commonly translated as ‘meritorious deeds’. In Anxi today, it embraces what both Singapore Chinese and local residents are doing for their relatives who died in a time of more radical politics, when formal rituals were not
chapter |8 pages
qiaoxiang kin simply wear ordinary clothing with a thin, symbolic hemp gongde ranges from several thousand to over gongde for their dead ancestors sometime in the 1980s and 1990s. An Opening Doors
dawu, the services of the monks or priests, service money to participating
Byoverdress, over it. The grandchildren were required to dress in blue. They all dressed in blue tee shirt and navy blue pants. The cost of performing a 20,000 yuan or more. This includes all the religious paraphernalia and the
chapter |6 pages
GETTING THINGS DONE ACROSS THE HONG KONG BORDER: ECONOMIC CULTURE IN THEORY AND PRACTICE ALAN
ByThe rapidity with which hegemonic institutions of the capitalist world- economy have been accepted and managed in the People’s Republic of China since 1978 is one of the most significant changes of the late twentieth century. In the last militarily-important communist nation, a profusion of rules, laws, practices and even the country’s constitution have been
chapter |4 pages
itself. the Pearl River Delta. According to Fitzgerald, for
ByThe standard alternative to prolonged negotiation with central authorities was to reactivate, intensify, or create social connections in the place of investment. These connections were often based on kinship, but due in part to the restrictions on mobility for residents of rural areas, they were often also focused on native places. Emphasizing loyalty to one’s native place
chapter |1 pages
yuan in 1986-8 and 90 yuan in 1991. They received their food
Byand lodging free during this trial period. After passing probation, workers were retained as regular workers paid by the piece. During work rushes, overtime was common and workers could earn up to 500-1,000 yuan a month depending on productivity. During periods of reduced production, they may earn just enough to cover their room and board cost of 80 yuan
chapter |4 pages
qiaoxiang and other personal connections. In
Bythis case, the use of such ties in labour recruitment and management was not simply intended to increase economic advantage, instead it was related to the investor’s feelings of obligation and desire for an enhanced reputation in his native place. This may have exacerbated the tensions involved in the strategy, but I do not believe that the attempt to pursue both goals was
chapter |2 pages
qiaoxiang ties, Johnson and Woon argue that in the western
ByPearl River Delta, households with close relatives overseas are less committed to local economic development because they expect to leave sooner or later, leading to a variety of unproductive results (Johnson and Woon, 1997:49). Common understanding or interactional practices that allow those on opposite sides of a border to live with distinct interpretations
chapter |5 pages
local histories and specific cultural contexts as the key elements behind this
Bynew reorganisation of capitalist social relations’ (Narotzky, 1997:204; emphasis in original). In studies of the prototypical examples of the Third Italy and Japan, analysts have stressed both the benefits of giving ordinary workers greater control over the work process, and the importance of cultural contexts which provide the basic elements of trust and idioms of co-
chapter |7 pages
qiaoxiang is that cultural forms of interaction shared by The Prevalence of Deceit. Ithaca: Cornell University Press Anthropology 17(4), pp. 351-63 Journal of Economic Perspectives Society 18(2), pp. 251-66 Essential Outsiders: Chinese Transformation of Southeast Asia and Central Europe. Seattle: University of Washington Press, pp. 3-32 Identities 3(3), pp. 303-30
Byoverseas investors and local counterparts have been crucial resources in making it possible not just to cope with the challenges of cross-border economic co-operation, but often to produce rapid increases in local prosperity. Despite the radical differences between the ways things get done on the two sides of the border, entrepreneurs on both sides have found ways
chapter |11 pages
qiaoxiang ties, including lineage, by
Byoverseas-Chinese entrepreneurs, usually mobilizes two contradictory approaches: one that we may call substantivist or culturalist, and the other one instrumentalist. Although many stimulating studies belong to the first category (see, for example, Redding, 1990), they tend to reify culture and describe its influence on economic practices in a more or less deterministic
chapter |3 pages
mingong: renqing and business matters; one of them qualifies (gong) and concludes that both should be
By‘How I decide about workers’ salaries? I look at what the other factories are offering, and I offer a little bit more. Of course, it is still very low. I find a salary reasonable when the workers can accept it. Of course there are so many people looking for jobs, that workers are forced to accept very low salaries. As far as salaries are concerned, I think the
chapter |1 pages
(XiangGang
si yi huisuo), which has donated more than 20 million yuan during the
Byeighties to support all kinds of common affairs The realms of everyday life chosen to benefit from overseas contributions often exhibit some continuity with the past. Education for instance is privileged as it was before 1949: from 1978 to 1989 for instance, 163 new
chapter |3 pages
this place, others are native from Taishan (getihu) in 1993.
Bybut invest in an area of this county other than the one their family and lineage come from, while there are those too among them who do establish their enterprise back in their native locality. Overseas Chinese indirect support to local economic development is also channelled through the establishment of small enterprises owned by dependants of overseas
chapter |1 pages
qiaoxiang ties are apparently the same, a certain distinction exists between
Byboth. This is so because of the differences existing between lineage members and local officials in the economic realm, at least in those geographical areas where no lineage is dominant enough to include whole administrative units: ‘I have a plant in Siju market-town, and so I support some of my
chapter |2 pages
yuan a year in such donations, while another one summarizes very xiang) if they often refuse their support or contribute amounts of money not qiaoxiang
Byclearly the positions usually adopted: ‘I never refuse to make a contribution in such a case, because those are the people who have the power to interfere in your business. They can either give you face and make your life easier if you have established good relationships with them, or find a way to make life very difficult
chapter |12 pages
guanxi developed as their most valuable asset, coming before guanxi and
Byeconomic capital, professional experience and a reputation for trust- worthiness, because of the power detained by local officials. They often detail the complex strategies developed in this realm, usually supported by a good knowledge of the existing institutional system. As already mentioned for other practices, cultural forms such as the establishment of
chapter |4 pages
The purpose of migration Composition of migrant workers
ByThe majority of migrants moved to the qiaoxiang region with a clear economic purpose, namely to make a better life for themselves and to earn money to support their families remaining in poorer rural areas. South China provides employment opportunity because of the booming foreign- invested enterprises, which require a large labour force. The large gap in
chapter 10|4 pages
yuan.’ ‘Workers
Bywho do not obey the supervisor’s orders are given a warning. Workers who do not obey supervisors’ orders for the third time are dismissed.’ These regulations and rules reflected the traditional Chinese family-business management style, which is authoritarian and punishment-oriented in nature.
chapter |12 pages
yuan or demoted.’ It was reported that a mass run-away involving (Xiandai qiye bao (Modern Enterprise Daily) 18 August 1996; Yangcheng wanbao, 22 March 1995; Ming Pao, 4 December 1996 and 18
Byenterprises in Shenzhen and Dongguan, which occurred in June 1997, was made worse by rumours spread among informal hometown networks (Huang, 1998). Cases have been reported in recent years of how badly Chinese workers are treated by foreign managers. Anita Chan found that there were often
chapter 1|28 pages
self’ as it affected post-reform
Byindustrial enterprise managers. The state wants them to make a profit, but they cannot do that if they do not disengage the enterprise from the relationship with the state according to regulations still in effect. But in making a profit they will enrich themselves, which could lead to their being regarded as corrupt. This kind of corruption is based on a contradiction, ‘a
chapter |1 pages
because she is China, can follow her own, unique, path to development. economic cultures [my emphasis]’. They have also been described as ‘the
BySUMMARY OF KEY ISSUES Rightly or wrongly, ‘culture’ has long been used to explain economic success and lies at the heart of much of the existing ‘modernization’ literature: with its built-in Western bias. For the great historical sociologists, culture not only explained the rise of capitalism in northern
chapter |5 pages
itself. Although Mario Rutten (1994) was quite correct to take
Byon those who would argue that contemporary forms of Asian capitalism are inherently inferior, simply because they may have followed different, even their own characteristic, patterns of development, using alternative means to modern ends as it were, it is a mistake to believe that traditional ways of doing business are, in and of themselves, enough to ensure integration into
chapter |11 pages
(minsheng zhuyi) with ‘communism’, his uneasiness over class conflict and minsheng lecture number two ends: minsheng principal, which was Confucius’ hope of a “great Chinese Economic Theory, published in 1947: ‘Most
Byawareness of some of the problems Lenin was experiencing with the ‘New Economic Policy’ in the Soviet Union, convinced him that it was better to equate the concept with ‘socialism’. Clearly rejecting the argument that material issues were central force in history, but determined in his own way to solve the land problem, he once advised a younger generation already
chapter |12 pages
relief. There
Bywere also the first large capital investments in China. Remittances dramatically increased this century to keep pace with the growing number
chapter |1 pages
Management Practices. Manila: Vita Development Corporation Modern China China’s Hope. Translated by Howard Goldblatt. Self-Cultivation in Late Imperial China. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press Solidarity 123, pp. 96-107 Literature 6:1, pp. 41-64 Southeast Asian Capitalism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press Menkhoff, T.
ByLippit, V.D. 1979 ‘The Development of Underdevelopment in China’, 4:3, pp. 251-328 Liu Binyan 1990 China’s Crisis,
chapter |6 pages
Menkhoff, T. and C.E. Labig Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 11:1, pp. 128- Western Experience in India and China. Ann Modern Asian Studies 26:3, pp. 469-94 Ungrounded Empires: the Cultural Modern Chinese Transnationalism. London and New Commerce and Kin in a Central Philippine City. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press Emerging Enterprises in the Asia-Pacific Region. Jakarta: Centre Southeast Asian Studies 1:1, pp. 85-95
1996 ‘Trading Networks of Chinese Entrepreneurs in Singapore’, Murphey, R. 1977 The Outsiders: The
BySojourn:
chapter |1 pages
As Zheng Guanying observed, the country had to wage ‘commercial The family was always central to Chinese business in pre-communist the jia (and extended clan) as The shortcomings of this line of argument were pointed out by Hou The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party. Peking:
Bywar’ if it was to survive in a Darwinian world. 13.Whether readers accept the dialectical materialism behind her recognition of the historical existence of a ‘petty capitalist mode of production’ in China, there is still much to be said for the conceptualization of the family unit as a ‘patricorporation’: usefully
chapter |1 pages
Max Weber certainly believed that the prebendal nature of traditional The Policy and Administration of the Dutch in Java (New York:
ByOriental society made mandarins ‘tax farmers’ by definition. See Godley and Godley and Copland, 1993. 27.Panglaykim, 1979, p. 90, described the successful combination of the ‘five sides of power’: (1) management; (2) capital (3) technology; (4) international marketing and information; and (5) government support.
chapter |1 pages
Xinning Magazine contained three main themes: qiaokan was the overseas emigrants from qiaoxiang society was formed in the region at the time. qiaokan reached their peak huaqiao status of overseas Chinese by both the Qing and the Kuomintang qiaoxiang clans and districts in Guangdong, especially in the Pearl River Wenlou Xiangyin (Local Yuebao (a monthly newspaper) in 1919 and Taishan followed with Zuxiu Yuekan in 1920 (The Taishan County Overseas Chinese Office, 1986). By qiaokan were run by clans, Guangda Man (a qiaokan also multiplied in qiaokan reflected the The War Time Stage, late 1930s-1949 qiaoxiang districts
By(1) Current problems of Taishan; (2) News of Taishan and other parts of China; and (3) Local history, customs and traditions (Xinning Magazine, 1909). The main audience of this Taishan. The appearance of this magazine indicates that a collective
chapter |1 pages
Huaqiao Qingnian (The Zhanshi Taishan (Wartime Taishan) in 1937. These new qiaokan became a window on qiaokan qiaokan are believed The Revolutionary Stage, 1949-1977 qiaokan far more qiaokan survived the Communist revolution, Huancheng Qiaokan in Zhongshan (1958), and Keshan Xiangyin (Local qiaokan reflected the constant political movements which (haiwai guanxi) often raised suspicion, and was considered criminal during
Zhanshi (‘Overseas Chinese Soldiers’, 1938), Huanqiao Zhanxian qiaokan were established with the clear purposes of rallying overseas
By(Overseas Chinese Alliance, 1938) in Guangzhou or Santai Santai Youth) and Chinese behind the anti-Japanese war movement by donating to Chinese
chapter |1 pages
qiaokan were closed down in Guangdong during the Cultural Revolution The Open Door Era to the Present Xinning Magazine of Taishan was the qiaokan in Guangdong in qiaokan published in the province, and 2.3 million copies were qiaokan were mainly distributed abroad (including what was until recently qiaoxiang relatives and qiaokan set out qiaokan produced earlier in the century may well have served qiaokan were qiaokan obviously makes them an important, indeed very
By(1966-76). After China’s Open Door Policy and Economic Reforms began, qiaokan have sprung up like mushrooms. The first to resume publication in 1978 quickly followed by others in
chapter |6 pages
qiaokan have been called ‘the collective letters from hometown’ by qiaokan are, by definition, transnational publications which cross borders huaqiao at a qiaoxiang ties. huaqiao construct qiaokan rapidly shifted their orientation as the political and Overseas Chinese Reciprocity Association, 1936); ‘Every
Byoverseas Cantonese. So far, they seem to have been effective. Part of their present appeal is the highly localized content which, thus far, generally eschews political nationalism in favour of parochial, even familial, sentimentality. Common features include: (1) news and messages of one’s hometown; (2) the history and current development of one’s hometown; (3)
chapter |1 pages
Southeast Asian Studies 12:1 Journal of Chinese Affairs 13 Dependents and Dogma: Overseas Chinese Remittances to Communist China, Stanford, California: Hoover Institution Modern Asian Studies 16:2 zhengfude Huaqiao zhengce (The policy of
By1985 ‘South China perspectives on overseas Chinese’, The Australian 1991 China and the Chinese Overseas, Singapore: Times Academic Press Wu Chun-his
chapter |1 pages
Qiaokan The Xinning Magazine The Oversea Chinese Guidance the Office The Kiu Siang Semimonthly A murder case of huaqiao in Guangzhou Overseas Chinese Alliances the overseas Chinese anti-war donations To join the anti-Japanese war is an ultimate goal of overseas Chinese
ByJanuary 1909, Taishan - Discussions of current problems of Taishan - News of the Taishan county, and other parts of China - Local history, customs and traditions
chapter |3 pages
Great China and Overseas Chinese Monthly Voices of Overseas Chinese < >
BySeptember, 1948, Guangzhou - Introduction to the Guangdong overseas Chinese affairs office - The current economic reform in China - Introduction to the new currency (jin yuan quan ) - The government regulations on the permit to go overseas
chapter |3 pages
Essays on Overseas Chinese History the International Conference on Overseas Chinese Studies
ByA Collection of Papers on Overseas Chinese History Index to Major Works on Overseas Chinese History Proceedings of A Collection of Essays on Overseas Chinese History A Bibliography of Book on Overseas Chinese Studies
chapter |1 pages
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Other Hong Kong Report 1997, China in the Post-Deng Era and China Review 1998. Chinese Business Groups in Hong Kong and Political Changes in South China was published Qiaoxiang Ties during the Twentieth Century. Mandarin-Capitalists
Sciences. His research interests comprise political development in China Nanyang: Overseas Chinese Enterprise in the Modernization of China (Cambridge University
ByJOSEPH YU-SHEK CHENG is chair holder of Political Science and Director of Contemporary China Research Centre, City University of Hong Kong. He is the founding editor of the Hong Kong Journal of Social and Hong Kong, Chinese foreign policy and local government in southern Press, 1981) and several dozen chapters, articles and essays. He has been a visiting fellow at the Contemporary China Centre at the Australian National University, the Center for Chinese Studies, Berkeley, the East Asian Program at Cornell University and the International Institute for Asian
chapter |1 pages
annees rouges (The Red Years) Paris, Seuil, 1987, an account (Qiaoxiang) connections. She has World Southeast Asian Studies, and
Enquete socioloque sur la Chine, 1911-1949 (A Sociological Study of
Byof the Cultural Revolution in Guangxi province. His specialized fields also include social change in the Chinese countryside and he has co-authored China, 1911-1949) with Isabelle Thireau, a study of his own lineage located in Taishan county (Guangdong province), one of the main points of
chapter |1 pages
Power and Charity: Growing with Hong Kong: The Bank of East Asia 1919-1994 (1994). Her Development in Hong Kong (1990), Hong Kong Culture and Century of Chinese Overseas (1998). Imperial China 19:1 (June 1998) 56-81. Clearance in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Critique of Anthropology, Society and Space, City & Society, International Journal of the Sociology of Law, plus contributions to
recent volumes include Between East and West: Aspects of Social and
ByThe Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong (1989) and Political Society (1995) and The Last Half
chapter |1 pages
socioloque sur la Chine, 1911-1949 (A Sociological Study of China, 1911-
By1949), French University Publishers, 1996, a study of the evolution of a lineage located in Guangdong province during the first half of the century which received the Drouin de Lhuys award from the French Academy of Moral and Political Sciences in 1997.
