ABSTRACT
The State and the Politics of Knowledge has had an ambitious agenda. One of the things it has aimed at is extending the conceptual, empirical, and historical tools I first employed in the series of volumes that preceded this one. But while an important goal, this is insufficient in itself. The book also has provided concrete examples of how such tools might be used in understanding the complexities of real situations so that we might use such understandings to further an agenda of interrupting dominance.
