Introduction

In the twenty-first century, academics, policymakers and practitioners face several interrelated challenges. At a broad level, immigration and changing migration patterns have raised concerns over the impact of increased ethno-cultural diversity on social cohesion. In established Western democracies, recent years have seen intense debates over the integration of minority ethnic groups (though in particular Muslims) and the more general effects of increased diversity on the fabric of local community ‘life’. Seen from one perspective, at least in the short term, immigration and increased diversity have a negative effect on levels of social trust and social capital, and citizens who reside in more ethnically diverse communities are more distrusting of their neighbours and tend to withdraw from community life (Putnam 2007). Faced with higher levels of immigration and changing neighbourhoods, there is now a large body of research to suggest that citizens in contemporary Europe feel threatened by and hostile toward ethnic ‘out-groups’ and, as a consequence, have become more supportive of stricter immigration controls (e.g. Gorodzeisky and Semyonov 2009). Confronted with the perceived threat from immigration and diversity: ‘Like a turtle in the presence of some feared threat, we pull in’ (see Putnam 2007). ¹