ABSTRACT
It has often been observed that the discontinuous dependency effects displayed between left-peripheral expressions and the position from which their interpretation has to be computed may display complex interactions between word order, structural constraints, and anaphora that belie any neat bifurcation between movement on the one hand, and base generation with anaphoric dependency on the other hand (see de Cat 2004; Shaer, this volume). The problem is that these phenomena may display some of the properties taken to be diagnostic of a non-movement analysis (the occurrence of an explicit pronominal), and at the same time some of the properties diagnostic of movement (sensitivity to strong island restrictions). The so-called clitic left dislocation phenomenon of Greek and the Romance languages with a left-peripheral NP optionally clitic-doubled is perhaps the most familiar (see Anagnostopoulou 1997), with sensitivity to strong islands depending on case specification: no dependency is possible across a relative clause boundary with a case-matched clitic, but the dependency is permitted if the left-peripheral NP is nominative. 1
Ti Maria (ti) sinantisa xtes. [Greek]
the-ACC Maria (her) I-met yesterday.’
‘Mary, I met (her) yesterday.’
*Ti Maria, xtes sinantisa ton andra pu tin the-ACC Maria yesterday I-met the man who her-ACC patreftike.
married
‘Mary, yesterday I met the man who married her.’
I Maria, xtes sinantisa ton andra pu tin the-NOM Maria yesterday I-met the man that her-ACC patreftike.
married
‘Mary, yesterday I met the man that married her.’
