ABSTRACT
This chapter takes two proposals from the literature and shows that, when combined, some surprising but apparently correct conclusions follow. The first is that overt movement is driven by the need of a head to agree (e.g., wh-phrases move overtly to satisfy the agreement requirement of a [+wh] C). The second is that heads may agree with their specifier, the specifier of their complement, or both. The juxtaposition of these two proposals predicts that, given a [+wh] C, there will be three types of wh-movement: movement into SPEC of CP, movement into SPEC of IP, and movement into both. The first type is what has been traditionally assumed, but the other two are novel. Wh-movement into SPEC of IP seems to occur in Selayarese and Yiddish, and I will argue here that movement into SPEC of IP and then into SPEC of CP occurs in Spanish. Evidence comes from the interplay of fronted wh-phrases with preverbal subjects, infinitival complement clauses, subextraction, successive cyclicity, relative clauses, and the behavior of why. The relation of this analysis to cases of improper movement is also discussed.
