ABSTRACT
The branding of tourism and second homes as an opportunity for rural development and
revitalization is deeply embedded in Norwegian discourses on regional and rural policies.
Langdalen (1980) argues that second homes, as a means of spurring rural economic devel-
opment, dates back to the beginning of the 1960s when the proposal for Norwegian mem-
bership in the European Economic Community (EEC) raised a debate over the
consequences of land ownership that had been opened to people from other EEC
member countries. A comprehensive study was initiated which resulted in three main
objectives for second-home planning in Norway, where one of those objectives was for
second homes to stimulate the local economy in the remote rural districts (Langdalen,
1980, p. 139). Second homes have primarily become a strategy for economic development,
business opportunities and diversification of traditional sectors such as farming and fishing
(Farstad, 2008; Hidle et al., 2010; Overva˚g & Berg, 2011). The focus of second-home
tourism as a catalyst for rural economic development is also highly reflected in the Nor-
wegian research literature on second homes. To a great extent, this literature has focused
on empirical analyses of how the “construction” and “use” of second homes (including
maintenance and local consumption) might strengthen the local rural economy (Velvin
et al., 2000; Ericsson & Grefsrud, 2005; Farstad, 2008). Theoretically, this approach is
often referred to as the “capital-transfer perspective” as it focuses on the transfer of
capital from the place of residence to the second-home community (Ericsson et al., 2005).
