ABSTRACT
Writers oil English pronunciation often comment on the different vowel qualities which can be heard, in different accents, in the final syllable of words such as city (e.g. Jones 1972; Ripman 1940; Ward 1948; Wells 1982). Wells (1982: 165-6), for instance, writes:
Most RP, and conservative speakers of GenAm, have [ı] for happY. This quality is also to be found in the centre of the north of England (Manchester, Leeds). . . Rather opener qualities, approaching [ε̈], are found in Nottingham and in certain varieties of RP (particularly that associated with army officers) . . . Consistent final [i] is found in much of the south of England, as well as in the peripheral north
(Liverpool, Newcastle, Hull, Birmingham). Recent work on the speech of localised urban Tynesiders has revealed some interesting and, to the best of my knowledge, previously unreported aspects of vowel variation in such final open syllables. This work indicates that the quality of the final vowel in city, etc. may not by as 'consistent' as Wells suggests.