ABSTRACT

Introduction Not only for landscape designers (Cranz, 1982), historians (Conway, 1991, 2000) and observers of public health, both mental (Barton and Pretty, 2010; Bowler et al., 2010) and physical (Bird, 2004; Wheater et al., 2007), a walk in the park has in recent decades been enjoyed by cultural and moral geographers (Lawrence, 1993; Matless, 1997), scholars of race and ethnicity (Byrne and Wolch, 2009) and non-representational accounts of visibility (Wylie, 2002) and alienation (Olwig, 2005). As the urban park has also, looking to Gezi and Zucotti parks, become the focal point for forms of protest that have disrupted established rhythms of collective political action, their contours are being newly mapped by social movement theorists (Langman, 2013; Tufekci, 2013) and political scientists (Arat, 2013; Kuymulu, 2013) interested in the entanglements of politics, space and experience that constitute these specific historical moments.