ABSTRACT
128 SUMMARY. This article examines strategies for gaining the cooperation of drug sellers and their families in order to conduct ethnographic research. The strategies were developed during an eight year study of drug dealers in New York City. A key element in gaining the ability to talk with and observe drug dealers and their family members was the availability of funds to compensate respondents for interviews and other expenses associated with building and maintaining rapport. Access to more successful crack sellers and dealers rested upon the right contacts. The "right contact" is a critical element.
Locating a trusted "go-between" was adapted from strategies employed by cocaine sellers to arrange transactions involving large quantities of drugs. Such transactions rely upon a trusted associate of a dealer, the "go-between," who performs various roles and assumes risks the dealer wishes to avoid. The role of the go-between became important when ethnographers attempted to reach drug dealers for research purposes.
Favors and trust are central components in the equation of access to the dealer and his family. Favors are a part of drug dealers' interaction patterns: everyone owes someone else a favor. Such reciprocity norms exist independently of the amount of drugs involved and outlast any particular transaction. Reputations and favors are related. This framework of favors, trust, and reciprocity provides a basis for the ethnographer to gain an introduction to dealers and sellers. The "go-between" is critical because he/she explains the ethnographer's role to the dealer and helps arrange an initial meeting between the ethnographer and the seller. Once the go-between has provided an initial introduction, the ethnographer marshals the communication skills necessary to convince the dealer to allow further contact and conversations.
This article examines the ritual of initial conversation within its cultural framework. Developing rapport requires showing respect and honesty. Since drug dealers' self-esteem and prestige is generally tied to their drug dealing activities, signs of respect are critical in obtaining repeated appointments and conversations. Issues such as levels of rejection and how to use apparent refusal to the ethnographer's advantage are discussed. Gaining access was broken into two components. One involved permission to engage dealers in in-depth interviews The next involved obtaining permission to directly observe the actual activities of selling. Both of these components were important elements in gaining access and permission to conduct research. Building and maintaining trust and rapport were related to issues of confidentiality and anonymity.
Ill-fated ethnographic strategies, such as relying on street drug users for introductions, were important stepping stones to those strate129gies that did work. Such strategies revealed the level of interaction between dealer and user. They helped to uncover drug subculture behavior patterns and conduct norms and to tease out the relationship between the dealer and user. Such strategies also revealed hierarchical arrangements and the loyalty within such levels. Those near the top of dealer hierarchies generally are reluctant to introduce their boss (those above them in rank) because of fear of reprisals, a sense of responsibility to the individual boss, or/and a sense of loyalty to the organization. The strategies laid out were experienced in New York and may be adjusted to acquire access to hidden populations in other situations. [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-342-9678. E-mail address: getinfo@haworthpressinc.com]
