ABSTRACT
This excerpt is of great importance to our understanding of Roman-Persian relations in the fifth century. While some regard it as proof of the existence of a treaty between the two sides, by which the Romans made annual payments to the Persians, others draw attention to how little it actually tells us. Of the two positions, the minimalist is preferable. As Blockley concludes, ‘all that the passages of Lydus allow us to conclude is that the issue of the defence of the Caucasus might have emerged first during the third quarter of the fourth century; that it was discussed inconclusively until the reign of Anastasius; and that there was no agreement.’ See Blockley 1985: 63-6, quotation from 66, Blockley 1992: 50-1, Luther 1997: 104-6.1
Joh. Lyd. De Mag. III.52-53 (212.14-214.7): ( … ) As long as the Romans controlled Artaxata and the regions even beyond, they were able, since they were on the spot, to resist them (the barbarians who might come through the Caspian Gates). But when they evacuated these and other regions under Jovian, the Persians were unable to defend both their own and the former Roman territory, and unbearable turmoil constantly gripped the Armenias subject to each state. Therefore, after the failure under Julian, talks were held between Salutius, who was then prefect, and the Persian grandees and later with Yazdgerd,2 in order that, sharing the cost, both states should build a fortress on the aforementioned pass and bring help to the area in checking the barbarians who were overrunning it.3 But since the Romans were embroiled in wars in the west and north, the Persians, insofar as they were more exposed to the barbarians’ incursions, were compelled to build the fortress against them there, naming it Biraparakh4 in their own language and establishing a garrison there. And the enemy was unable to effect an entrance. (53) For this reason the Persians attacked the Romans and spread little by little over Syria and Cappadocia, alleging that they had been wronged and had been deprived of the money for common (p.214) projects to the amount of the Roman contribution.5 As a result, the first Sporacius was sent by Theodosius I to negotiate with the Persians. He, through the power of his money and his ability at speaking, almost persuaded the Persians to leave the Romans in peace and be their friends, since the Romans were so generous towards them.6 And this affair
dragged on until the reign of our Emperor Anastasius, being talked over, decreed about and, in short, having been prevaricated over. ( … ) (tr. Blockley, revised)
Once Jovian had agreed not to help the Armenian king Arsaces, Shapur took the opportunity to try to seize control of Armenia. The precise terms of the agreement of 363 concerning Armenia are unknown, and were clearly interpreted differently by Shapur and the Romans. The war soon took its toll on the kingdom, and Arsaces surrendered to Shapur in 368/9 (Epic Histories, IV.21-50). See Baynes 1955: 198-9.7
Ammianus XXVII.12.1-3: The king of Persia, the aged Shapur, who from the very commencement of his reign had been addicted to the love of plunder, after the death of the emperor Julian, and the disgraceful treaty of peace subsequently made, for a short time seemed with his people to be friendly to us; but presently he trampled underfoot the agreement which had been made under Jovian, and poured a body of troops into Armenia to annex that (country) to his own authority, as if the validity of the agreements had expired. (2) At first by various types of tricks he harassed (this) nation, rich in manpower, through slight expenditure, seeking to influence some of the nobles and satraps, and making sudden inroads into (the districts belonging to) others. (3) Then through careful enticements combined with perjury, he captured their king Arsaces, having invited him to a banquet, and ordered him to be conducted to a hidden back door. His eyes were put out, and he was loaded with silver chains, which among them is looked upon as a solace under punishment for men of rank, trifling though it be; then he removed him to a fortress called Agabana, where, after being tortured, he perished by the executioner’s blade.8 (tr. Yonge, revised)
Shapur was active on a broad front, intervening also in the Transcaucasus, where he ousted the Roman appointed king of Iberia, Sauromaces. Since the peace of 363 made no mention of Iberia, Shapur’s actions were particularly provocative, as Ammianus makes clear. See Toumanoff 1963: 150 n.5, 460, Chrysos 1976: 45-8, Blockley 1984: 36-7, 48 n.61, Braund 1994: 260.9
Ammianus XXVII.12.4: After this (the capture of Arsaces), in order that his (Shapur’s) perfidy might leave nothing unpolluted, having expelled Sauromaces, whom the authority of the Romans had made governor of Iberia, he conferred the government of that district on a man of the name of Aspacures, giving him a diadem to mark the insult offered to the decision of our emperors.10 (tr. Yonge, revised)
With Arsaces disposed of, it remained for Shapur to eliminate the rest of the royal family, who had sought refuge in the fortress of Artogerassa. The Armenian tradition differs somewhat from the Roman: there is no reference to Cylaces and Arrabannus, nor to an initial defeat of the Persians. See Garsoïan 1989: 303-5.11
Ammianus XXVII.12.5-9: Having accomplished these (feats) with malicious enthusiasm, he committed the charge of Armenia to a eunuch named Cylaces and to
Arrabannus,12 a couple of deserters whom he had received some time before (one of them, it was said, had been a prefect of that nation, and the other commander-inchief); and he enjoined them to use every exertion to destroy Artogerassa, a town (made) strong by (its) walls and (its) garrison, in which were the treasures and the wife and son of Arsaces. (6) These generals commenced the siege as they were ordered. And as it is a fortress placed on a very rugged mountain height, it was inaccessible at that time, while the weather was cold and the ground covered with snow and frost; and so Cylaces being a eunuch, and, as such, suited to feminine flatteries, took Arrabannus with him and quickly approached the walls; having received a promise of safety, he and his companion were admitted into the city as he had asked. He advised the defenders and the queen in a threatening fashion to calm the passion of Shapur, the most unmerciful of all men, by a speedy surrender. (7) And after many arguments had been urged on both sides, the woman bewailing the cruel fortune of her husband, the men who had been most active in wishing to compel her to treachery, pitying her distress, changed their views; and conceiving a hope of higher preferment, they in secret conferences arranged that at an appointed hour of the night the gates should be suddenly thrown open, and a strong detachment should sally forth and fall upon the ramparts of the enemy’s camp, (surprising it) with sudden slaughter; they promised that they would see to it that those undertaking these things would pass unnoticed. (8) Having ratified these matters with an oath, they left the town, and led the besiegers to acquiesce in inaction by representing that the besieged had required two days to deliberate on what course they ought to pursue. Then in the middle of the night, which was spent in sleep all the sounder on account of the greater freedom from danger, the gates of the city were thrown open, and a strong body of young men poured forth with great speed, creeping on with noiseless steps and drawn swords, and suddenly, when they entered the camp of the enemy, who feared nothing, they slew many men as they lay (there) without meeting any resistance. (9) This sudden treachery and the unexpected loss of the Persians gave grounds for a fierce quarrel between us and Shapur; and another cause for his anger was added, in that the Emperor Valens received Pap, the son of Arsaces, who at his mother’s instigation had left the fortress with a small escort, and bade him stay at Neocaesarea, a most celebrated city of Pontus Polemoniacus, where he was treated with great liberality and high respect. Cylaces and Arrabannus, attracted by this humanity of Valens, sent envoys to him to ask for assistance, and to request that Pap might be given to them for their king.13 (tr. Yonge, revised) Epic Histories IV.55: Then Shapur king of Persia sent a certain two of his princes, one of whom was called Zik and the other Kar¢n,14 with five million men against the country of Armenia, to go, undermine and destroy the country of Armenia. And they came and arrived at the land of Armenia. Then, when the queen of the country of Armenia Paranjem, the wife of Arsaces (Arshak) king of Armenia, saw that the forces of the Persian king had come and filled the countries of Armenia, she took with her some eleven thousand select armed, warlike azats, and together with these she rushed from the Persian forces and entered the fortress of Artagerk in the land of Arsharunik. Then the entire Persian army came up, installed itself around the fortress, kept watch, surrounded, and besieged it. Now those who were fortified inside trusted in the
strength of the place, while the others entrenched and settled themselves outside around the valleys. And they were installed around the fortress for thirteen months but were unable to take the fortress because the site was extremely strong. They ravaged and devastated the whole land. They went out and plundered the whole land, and from the surrounding districts and countries led captive men and animals back to their fortified camp. They brought in supplies from elsewhere, consumed them, and besieged and guarded the fortress. ( … ) (tr. Greenwood)
Shapur’s initial failure at Artogerassa and Roman support for Pap led to an escalation of hostilities, with the Romans drawn into playing an increasingly active role. Initially, however, they seem to have tried to keep their distance.15
