ABSTRACT
The process by which the Instruments of Policy and of Government for 'Iraq were formalized through the Treaties and other documents have been traced in some detail. It is not necessary here to indicate in such minuteness the various steps by which 'Iraq developed under these measures to the stage which satisfied the League of Nations that the Mandate could be successfully terminated. The evidence of ' Iraq's readiness for admission to the League as presented by the Mandatary to the Permanent Mandates Commission, and accepted by it, not altogether willingly,l is available in various official Reports.' It is pertinent here rather to summarize the developments in the light of their relation to the principles laid down in the Constitution and to indicate, in addition, the social conditions
accordance with his declaration to the High Commissioner, September IOth,2 privately announced his withdrawal from direct participation in the affairs of State. Although this selfdenying ordinance was received with some scepticism in ministerial circles, the King did refrain for a period of time from his former active intervention in administrative affairs. As time passed, however, and acting on the advice of the British authorities, including that given by the Secretary of State for the Colonies,· King Faisal not only resumed his place as the actual executive of the State but even exceeded the powers explicitly assigned him by the Constitution. His natural tendency was not uninfluenced by the fact that, as the point of balance between Great Britain and his own people, he had every encouragement to concentrate power within himself. To him the High Commissioner looked for the assurance that the Treaty would be observed. Through him British control was to be exercised over the Council of Ministers, over Parliament and the conduct of administration. The necessity of strengthening the King's hands to enable the High Commissioner to achieve these ends had been recognized from the first by the British drafters of the Constitution.' Wide powers had been assured to the King by the provisions in the Constitution, in spite of the
On the other hand, King Faisal himself, under the sustained stimulus of his own desire and that of the Nationalists for complete independence, made every effort to concentrate as much personal power as possible in his own hands. It need not be imputed that he sought power for its own sake. He desired it both because it would enable him to meet the responsibilities and obligations thrust upon him by the Treaties and also because it would place him in a stronger position to win concessions from Great Britain, thus bringing 'Iraq nearer to the goal of independence. By the concentration of power in his own hands he believed that he could command the support of the various sections and groups in 'Iraq which, by their quarrels and animosities, would otherwise mar 'Iraq's prospects for national development and ultimate independence. He was only too well aware of the slight foundation of public support on which his early authority had rested. It seems to have been his plan to identify himself with the nation's needs as far as his British Advisers would permit; to be sovereign in fact as well as in name; and to lead the country to prosperity and to independent Statehood. In the fulfilment of these objectives there can be no doubt that King Faisal made many mistakes, particularly in placing his confidence in Nationalist groups whose ambitions for 'Iraq were possibly less impersonal than
his own. Nevertheless, it is also true that had he not so identified himself with their programmes, he would not have won the esteem and regard of his subjects so markedly shown on his death.
