ABSTRACT

STUDENTS of the British Constitution have rarely, in the past, considered it necessary to pay much attention to the impact upon it of the foreign commitments of government, nor 81F5D85I=?49U54D859B9>49665B5>359>D85<978D?6=?B5B535>D5F5>DC1 Nevertheless, if we are right in concluding that there has been a fundamental alteration in the nature of Britain’s external commitments and a consequent development of new administrative devices to deal with them, we would expect the repercussions of such changes to make D85=C5<F5C65<D9>5F5BI1C@53D?6D853?E>DBITC@?<9D931<CICD5=

We have, in fact, seen that with respect to defence there have come into being unprecedented commitments to collective action, leading in turn to the need to agree with our allies upon foreign policies and strategic doctrines which alone make such defence 1BB1>75=5>DC=51>9>76E<>4D81D=51>C13<?C53??B49>1D9?>1D8?=525DG55>6?B597> @?<93I 1>44565>35@?<93I 9>3<E49>7 D85 53?>?=93 9=@<931D9?>C?62?D8,581F5 1<C? seen that the practice of submitting national economic policies to international discussion, combined with the more positive economic role of government itself, has produced an 5<12?B1D5=1389>5BI6?B3?>35BD9>7@?<93I1>413D9?>25DG55>D8545@1BD=5>DC9>F?<F54

What questions do these developments raise with regard to our traditional ways of looking at the making and execution of policy? The classical conception is that enshrined 9>D85@8B1C5S=9>9CD5B91<B5C@?>C929<9DITID89C9>D85@B5C5>D3?>D5HDG5=51> substantially two things: that the minister makes policy and that his civil servants are only advisers and executants, and that the minister will, supported where necessary by the G5978D?6D85129>5D2512<5D?1>CG5B9>%1B<91=5>D6?BD854539C9?>C8581CD1;5>6 this is to be a system consonant with the basic principles of democracy, it follows that cerD19>6EBD85B3?>49D9?>C>554D?25C1D9CU54%1B<91=5>D=ECD2512<5D?=1;5=51>9>76E< contributions to the discussion of major questions that have to be decided, and must have 1D 9DC49C@?C1< D85 9>6?B=1D9?> B5AE9B54 6?B D85@EB@?C5>4 13D9F52?495C?6?@9>9?> whether organized as political parties or in ‘interest groups’-—material or ideological-=ECD81F5145AE1D5?@@?BDE>9D95C6?B@1BD939@1D9?>9>D856?B=1D9?>?6>1D9?>1<@?<93I

There is no doubt that the traditional responsibility of the minister for policy conforms closely to the preferences of civil servants themselves who are happiest, they say, when working for a minister who clearly knows his own mind and will either initiate policy himself or conduct the business of the department in such a way as to enable him to give UB= 4539C9?>C 6?B ?B 1719>CD 9> B5C@53D ?6 @B?@?C1<C 5=1>1D9>7 6B?= D85 45@1BD=5>D 9DC5<6,581F51<B514I>?D54D8531B5D1;5>D?1F?94@B5:E479>7=9>9CD5B91<4539C9?>C2I 1<<?G9>7 D??=E38 9>D5B45@1BD=5>D1<2EC9>5CC D?25 B5C?<F545H3<EC9F5<I1D D85?6U391< level, and to see that the minister’s role in defending the departments’ policy to his 3?<<517E5C9C>?D9>1>IG1I49=9>9C854

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It is hard to be more precise on this point because of the fact that the main policies with regard to international organizations in our period were, on the whole, shared by the two front benches; G?E<4D85B56?B59>1>I31C5@B?212<I81F5=1B;54>?=1:?B381>759>D89CU5<4$> D85?D85B81>4D85B51B5@B?212<I<9=9DCD?D8549665B5>35CD81D=9>9CD5BC31>=1;5$>5 need not go the whole way with Lord Esher when he wrote: ‘When it comes to a change of government, believe me it is six of one and half-a-dozen of the other … all these people are B51<<I39@85BC'5=5=25B>?D=?B5D81>14?J5>@5?@<59>>7<1>43?E>D6?B1>ID89>71 <1B755CD9=1D5T2EDD85G1B>9>79C1<G1ICG?BD8;55@9>79>=9>4>4554?>5=978D144 that what prevents an even more dominating role for the permanent servants of the Crown, 1C9456B?=D859B?G>49C9>3<9>1D9?>6?B9D5H35@D9>B1B531C5C9CD85613DD81DD85@B13D935 ?6C?=545@1BD=5>DC1>4>?D12<I?6D85?B597>$6U359>=?F9>7=5>B1@94<I6B?=:?2 to job, prevents them also from becoming too expert in a single branch of the departments 16619BC)852B956 D?EBC?64EDI1D8?=51CG5<<1C12B?14G8938 D855H975>395C?6 D85 establishment seem to make mandatory, appear completely natural and self-evidently 45C9B12<5 D? 1<< ?B 1<=?CD 1<< ?6U391<C )85B5 9C >? F95G G9D8 G8938 D85 >?> ?6U391< =9>4 U>4C 9D 81B45B D? CI=@1D89J5 C9>35 >?>?6U391< ?2C5BF5BC G9<< probably come from a professional background in which life-long expertize in a @1BD93E<1BU5<49CB571B4541CD859>49C@5>C12<53?>49D9?>?6CE335CC1>4@B5CD9751

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developments during the period was due to a sense on the part of ministers that Parliament was more likely to slow them down than to assist their progress, in that, particularly on the economic side, members would be more prone to stress special

elements of the problem-industrial or agricultural protection, Commonwealth preferences and so on-than to take a broad view as to the desirability or otherwise of the general line of advance. If this view is correct, then the responsibility of successive governments is a heavy one. For if it is, in fact, British policy to make the maximum use of the new opportunities for international action, then it is surely essential that the public should be kept reminded of what is taking place and what the limitations are upon the country’s freedom of action under modern conditions. As it is, one feels that there is a very large 71@25DG55> D85F95GC85<42I=9>9CD5BC?6U391<C 1>4 D8?C5213;25>385BC G8?81F5 specialized in the subject and those of ordinary back benchers and the rest of the country.