ABSTRACT
Although Hitler’s movement was not the first one of its kind to appear on the political stage of interwar Europe, it proved the most successful in electoral terms, the most aggressive in its expansionist designs, the most radical and wholesale in its eliminationist ambitions, the most ‘totalitarian’ in its organisation and grip on society, as well as the most uncompromising in turning its regenerative utopia into action (Arendt 1951; Steinmetz 1999). The electoral victories of the NSDAP in 1932 sent shock-waves across Europe, as did the appointment of its leader to the position of chancellor in January 1933 (Falter 1991: 44ff; Bessel 1992). Within less than two years Hitler was omnipotent, having crushed any form of internal opposition and organised domestic resistance. Although it is generally acknowledged that the prior experience of Fascist Italy-with its ‘charismatisation’ of Mussolini (E Gentile 1993; Kallis 2001), the declaration of dictatorship, and the construction of the stato totalitario (Aquarone 1995/1965; De Felice 1968)—exercised a crucial formative influence on the NSDAP and the NS regime, from 1933 onwards Berlin replaced Rome as the source of radical innovation in European politics. NS Germany quickly emerged as the indisputable centre of a new radical creed and system of rule, exerting in turn a powerful pull on kindred forces in 1930s Europe (Kallis 2003).
