It is now a sociological truism that the manifestations of gender inequality in the family and in the economy are related.! Countless studies (e.g., Amsden 1980; Beneria and Stimpson 1987; Blumberg 1978, 1984; Gates 1987; Gerstel and Gross 1987; Stacey 1983; Stromberg and Harkess 1988; Zavella 1987) demonstrate that while the "arrangement between the sexes" displays great variation across culture and time, it reveals unique stability in the connection between women's personal experience as wives and mothers and women's social status as workers. We learn, for example, of the crippling constraint on women who, by virtue of their exclusion from adequately paid employment, are bound to an economic dependence on a husband or father and, thus, to some form of servitude at home. With that familial and interpersonal expectation of servitude comes the institutional practices that further constrain the opportunities women can realize in employment. (For a review of work and family "linkages" see Blau and Ferber 1985; Chafetz 1984; Hartmann 1987; Nieva 1985.) And so the seesaw of gender inequality in its individual and institutional manifestations persists, even as historical period, particular cultural form, and social change foster variation in it.