ABSTRACT

The notion that morphological factors can in some way condition phonetic processes is widespread in the linguistic literature, yet very difficult to substantiate. At least three possibilities must be considered: a phonetic change is implemented in order to signal some morphological category; a phonetic change commences in a morphologically defined environment; the onset of morphological conditioning promotes the subsequent evolution of the phonetic process. The idea that phonetic change is in some sense 'induced' in order to signal a morphological property has only very rarely been suggested. Most linguists have recognized that much of sound change has its roots in purely phonetic articulatory factors. Dressler's observations on rules restricted to particular morphemes in slow speech probably also reflect a similar intermediate situation in which the rule's operation affects more frequent forms first, and is only generalized in rapid speech.