ABSTRACT
In Chapter 5 , building on both empirical and introspective data, I argue in favor of a uniform approach to two types of Mandarin clefts (shi … de and bare shi), as well as four types of cleft-related structures (proposition assertion, sentence medial shi, broad focus shi and pseudo-clefts). They all share a core semantic component, namely, unique identification. Shi presupposes that there is one and only one alternative that is true in the pre-exhaustified focus alternative set and asserts that the prejacent of shi is true. Exhaustivity is semantic in nature and should be viewed as an inference derived from the presupposition and assertion contents together. Meanwhile, contrastivity is a special realization of exhaustivity. It calls for an extra contextually salient alternative. These treatments are consistent with the experimental results discussed in this chapter.
