ABSTRACT
It is clearly unsound to seek an understanding of the course of this struggle, or the motives of its actors, in events which occurred long after the conflict had ended, but one suspects this retrospective interpretation to be rather common. Since the events of 1804-10 are fundamental to the present political order, there is scant hope that they will escape such ideological interpretation, or even that their presentation will proceed unaffected by political considerations, future and present as well as past. There is no doubt that the ruling Fulani, particularly in Sokoto Province, have actively nourished and reinterpreted the memory of this jihad, and especially the charisma of Shehu dan F odio, in ways politically serviceable to their rule. The Shehu's books and writings, some of which might well be politically explosive, even today, have long been difficult for commoners and subjects, especially Habe, to come by. In their new independence and Federal political context the Northern rulers might now see fit
to distribute these widely. Early British administrators, such as H. G. Harris, F. Edgar, Major Burdon, E. J. Arnett, and Sir H. R. Palmer, had access to various writings of primarily historical interest, such as Tar_yin al-waraqat, by 'Abdullahi clan Fodio, the Tanhih al-ikhwan, by Shehu Usumanu, and the lnfaq al-maysur by Sultan Mamman Bello. The great majority of free subjects in the Fulani empire were illiterate, and may hardly have known these titles, much less their contents. As late as 1959, Hausa Arabists in Northern Nigeria were surprised to learn of Shehu Usumanu's Kitah al-farq and Bayan wujub al-hijra 'ala al-'ihad. Yet it is clear from internal evidence that the Shehu intended these books for a wide public. No accurate assessment of Usumanu's jihad can ignore these critical documents. As political testaments, they rank with Lugard's Political Memoranda.
